Day-Breaking

A 'road map' for Mauritania

2009-04-29T07:53:00.000-07:00

The recent resignation of Mauritania's new military leader has given some analysts hope that this could be a vital first step to restoring democratic rule in the country.

General Ould Abdel Aziz's announcement one month ahead of the upcoming presidential polls is also designed to show the ruling junta's resolve to stand aside as a civilian government takes shape.

However, observers of Mauritania's unpredictable political scene say that what the country needs most is a negotiated settlement of its year old political crisis between the military government and opposition groups.

In August 2008, Abdel Aziz lead a military coup against Sidi Ould Sheikh Abdallahi, the first democratically-elected president, after 48 ministers from the ruling party resigned. Abdallahi remained under house arrest until December.

Seeking stability

Many Mauritanians say that the June 6 elections, which have been organised by the military without consultation with opposition parties, will only rush a country that has been nose-diving to the bottom instead of bringing it back to normality.

Observers believe the days ahead of the elections will be a ferocious showdown between the opposition and the current military government.

The military insists on holding the elections on time, a move that could legitimise last year's coup and their grip on power.

But the opposition has mobilised its cadres to near-daily protests on the streets of Nouakchott, the capital, amid fears that there could be an outbreak of violence.

On April 24, three cars owned by high-profile government officials were set on fire and security forces blamed an unknown opposition group for masterminding the attacks.

Opposition forces say it is ill-advised to hold elections until political adversaries can chart a course of reconciliation which allows the country to heal the political rifts created by last year's coup. This view is largely shared by the international community.

Polarised positions

However, the much needed solution for digging the country out of its political mess lies somewhere between these two polarised positions.

If allowed to shape the political debate, both defenders and detractors of the military advocate irreconcilable approaches which can only drive them further apart instead of setting the terms for a road map to chart a new course and steer the country clear of political paralysis.

A road map has to embrace the status quo and recognise the new military leaders. Calls for "return to the constitutional order" by the international community and the parties supporting the deposed president have been overtaken by facts on the ground.

The new military leadership succeeded in rallying popular support and is making headways in its attempt to get international recognition. France has already expressed understanding of the new realities on the ground and press leaks spoke of a French initiative to effect a breakthrough in the political standoff.

The same goes for Algeria, Morocco and Senegal, neighbours who have either received the junta leader or initiated mediation efforts to try to defuse the crisis. Abdel Aziz, along with a ministerial delegation, has been welcomed twice to Doha to take part in Arab summits in the Qatari capital.

Majority support

With the overwhelming majority of Mauritanians behind them and major regional and international players poised to deal with them, the military will not feel enough heat to cave in to voices calling for it to leave power and allow for the return of the deposed president.

In the event the African Union and the EU fail to take notice of these developments and decide to go ahead with sanctions, the only party which will bear the full brunt of this measure is the people who completely rely on foreign aid for their survival.

What the international community should not do is repeat the mistakes of the past when it refused to recognise the 2005 coup which removed the government of Ould Taya and established a promising political process that culminated in Abdallahi's election.

This will only widen the gulf between political rivals in Mauritania and prevent the international community from having leverage over the current military leaders.

Had the international community decided to engage the military it would have been able to influence their policies to include political adversaries and prepare for a genuine democratic transition.

Call off boycott

What the international community should do instead is work with the general to prevent his transformation into a full-fledged dictator.

This can be done by calling on opposition parties to revoke their decision to boycott the next ballot and join the political process to shape the future of the country. International monitors should also oversee the election and report on any violations that may jeopardise its outcome.

But the real challenges are those which have to do with post-election questions of good governance, political and institutional reforms, development projects and fighting poverty.

The world should provide the country's fledgling democracy with support that extends beyond the electoral process and the legitimate concerns of having an elected government in power.

The failure of the international community to provide much-needed economic help and oversight during Abdullahi's brief one-year tenure served as a catalyst which hastened his demise.

Though major international players, especially the US and France, were quick to laud the 2007 polls as a model for the rest of the Arab world, they did little if anything to reinforce democratic rule under the new elected government.

This accounts for the failure of the president, albeit fairly and democratically-elected, to effect a genuine break with bad governance and do away with the corrupt political class which is responsible for stalling progress.

The result was a series of violent events which rocked the new government and culminated in the army taking matters into its own hand and overthrowing the president.

A similar scenario can be prevented from happening again if the international community engages the military leadership and tries to shape the future of the country instead of taking a hands-off position.

The latter choice will only serve to turn the general into a dictator and leave the door wide open for more coups and more political instability.

Versions of this article have been published on Aljazeera English website and Taquadoumy electronic newspaper on the following links respectively:

http://english.aljazeera.net/focus/2009/04/200941345837267182.html

http://www.taqadoumy.com/en/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=633&Itemid=27

mom

The Flip Side Of Mauritanian Coup: When The Army Saves Democracy Yet Again

2008-08-22T05:39:00.000-07:00

Over the span of just three years, Mauritania, a Northern African country straddling the Great Sahara and the Atlantic, hit international headlines twice, albeit for apparently different reasons. Back in 2005, the country caught world attention following a much acclaimed military coup which toppled the dictatorial regime of Mouaya Ould Sidi Ahmed Ould Taya and promised to usher in a new era of democratic rule. They organized legislative and general polls and oversaw a two-year transition which lead to peaceful handover of power to a civilian government. Yet again, last week, the same military crop of generals stormed the palace, arrested the president and his prime minister and again took matters into their own hands. The question now running on the minds of many is what went wrong with Mauritania’s fledgling democratic exercise? What has gone amiss in the relationship between the president and the military that led to this dangerous development?

Mauritania has a long history of military coups, but the most remarkable of them all is the 2005 military coup which put an end to two decades of dictatorial rule by the former president Ould Taya and laid the groundwork for a successful democratic transition. Of all the six coups which have rocked the country, the military this time came as makers of democracy not usurpers of power and were able from the get-go to ditch long-standing public fear and mistrust of the men in uniform.

This shift in attitude is also spurred by the military being the only viable and functioning institution in the country which had what it takes to survive the calamitous policies of previous governments. Two-decades of dictatorship under the regime of Ould Taya left civil institutions, such as political parties and NGOs as well as state apparatus in complete disarray and people have no other anchor to look up to than the army.

The deposed president Sidi Ould Cheikh Abdallahi seemed to be out of touch with this new reality, and his decision to turn the heat on the army was costly for him and for the country's democracy. He miscalculated that his legitimacy as the democratically elected president will be enough to tip the scales in his favor in any face-off with them. He got it wrong because he failed to properly weigh the public standing of his opponents and when he set upon a rebranding mission as the strongman at the helm he was soon given a reality check.

To make matters worse, he was widely tipped to have been backed by the two generals he sought to get rid of and that he relied on their influence in the run up to his election to the office. In an interview with Aljazeera channel, few days before the coup, he tried to shrug off any embarrassment vis a vis this relationship, but he could not hide his intent to lay to rest the general perception that he was handpicked by the army, and too weak to be in charge on his own. Along the course of his attempted makeover, the deposed president not only misread the public support of the army but also made a host of other missteps which saw him limping on all the way long.

If history is any guide, presidents in unstable democracies stand no chance to run counter to the army if they don't enjoy strong public backing. And in the case of Ould Cheikh Abdallahi, this equation can not be more true. Judging by the record of his first year stint as president, he is by all accounts the most unpopular fist year president in the history of the country.

It's true that not much can be achieved in a year and few months in the office. But the president raised expectations sky high and promised to push through sweeping reforms, stem corruption and restore the credibility of public administration. During his campaign trail, he pledged to enact these reforms at once, insisting that only an immediate implementation of his reform policy will change the life of the people for the better. Yet three months from taking the office, he is nowhere to be seen.

The demons of economic crises, which ranged from soaring fuel and food prices, unemployment, etc. kept hitting hard on a population which already can not make ends meet. It took the capital city, Nouakchott, to be gripped by repeated blackouts and severe water shortages for the president to be jolted awake from his slumber.

The president's lack of action came to haunt him when violent protests broke out in the eastern part of the country, his electoral base, and spread nationwide. It was the first time that the country has seen such violent protests which left one person dead and many injured.

The president's handling of the crisis proved to many that the much desired change is still put on the backburner. With no end in sight to the growing public anger, it became clear the president's popularity has slumped and that his lame duck attitude is not helping to fix it. It was at the point that the cracks began to show in the power structure which supported him, i.e. the army, the ruling coalition and the MPs of the presidential majority. He sacked his own government of technocrats and formed a new political one without consultation with the ruling coalition and its MPs. Worse, the new government featured notorious figures from the former regime of Taya who are known for their corruption and mismanagement of public wealth.

The new team tried to sugarcoat the President's change of heart towards the figures from the former regime of Taya as indicative of his determination to be his own man. It hoped to refurbish the image of an isolated leader by misleadingly portraying the collapse of his power base as a calculated move to counterbalance the influence of the detractors form within his camp and outside it. And as the president rushes toward making enemies left and right, matters started to spin out of control with the massive walkouts from his ruling coalition and the emergence of what has been dubbed "the breakaway parliaments". It became clear that the president's fall from grace becomes a matter of time as his own supporters turned against him, spearheaded by the furious MPs' attempt to try, convict and impeach him. Both upper and lower houses of parliament were for some time sites of tireless efforts to bring the president to task, charging him and his spouse of corruption and mismanagement.

The brief tenure of the deposed president is certainly a successful story abroad. The international community, keen to see democracy alive and kicking in the unstable, war-torn sub-region, was quick to embrace Mauritania as a role model, hoping that the rest of Arab countries will learn from it and follow in its footsteps. But the trappings of democracy which the world saw were a far cry from the reality inside the country as the failure of the president to adroitly manipulate the levers of power sent the country into an economic, legislative and power crisis his departure was the only way to fix it. Thus, the army stepped in to put an end to a dictator in the making as it did in 2005 when it put an end to a full fledged dictator.

mom

After Paris, the Road Ahead For ZZ

2007-12-08T10:13:00.000-08:00

When the Prime minister upped his sticks and flew to Paris to take part in the International donor conference about the country, he above anyone else knew the high stakes involved in the outcome of the meeting. It was not only because he has a lot to loose if his mission went bad but also because he has a lot to win if it went well. The two day international get-together of the country's development partners couldn't have come at a better time for the current PM's team. The few months it has been in power has plunged the novice team of technocrats into a string of troubles and triggered calls for its resignation. The skeptics assume that the team would have been long gone had it not been for the support and trust of the president. Weak and isolated, the PM staked his future and that of his cabinet on Paris conference, hoping to win enough foreign investment from it to pick himself up from the floor and restore the credibility of his cabinet. He knows better than anyone else that the support of his boss will be short-lived if he does not do something to turn the tide and address the host of crises which rocked his government and the many other crises which are still in store for him. At some point down the road, the president will have to do without him if he remains to be a political burden which draws constant fire from a bullish opposition and an outraged public. Under these exceptional circumstances, the PM headed to Paris, counting his lucky stars that a light has finally shone in the tunnel of his troubles and that if he does well he will be able to mend the fences back home.

It turned out he did well and emerged out victorious from Paris. After two days of difficult talks, he was able to persuade the international donors to support his development programme, in which he laid out plans to implement economic reforms and reduce poverty over the period from 2008 to 2010. The result was a promise to donate $2.104 billion, way above what he was expecting.

Now, PM zz is back and we can bet that the people who were in their thousands ready to finish him before Paris are now sparing nothing to be onboard with him after it. In spite of all the talk about democracy and rule of law, we still fear and revere powerful leaders and go out of our way to prove loyalty to them. Now, zz is a reborn PM whose success in Paris will play down very well among ordinary Mauritanians and will, therefore, do a lot to change power balance with his opponents. We can expect him to step out of the shadow of the president, be more assertive and assume a more prominent role in the running of his government and the wider public interest. There is no doubt that this will be a long and tedious rebranding road which will see some of his friends turning into enemies, but if he’s going to use the Paris success to improve his popular standing he needs to be more aggressive, talk more to the media and does what it takes to run the show. It goes without saying, however, that zz may choose not to be his own man and hand over the success to Sidioca. If he does, he will be dealing a fatal blow to his future political career and will go down in history as a low-profile and subservient public servant.

Common sense has it that if ZZ decides to play hardball and capitalize on his achievement in Paris, he will risk antagonizing his immediate entourage, starting with influential political figures from the pro- government majority and ending with the president himself. There’re top and power-wielding political figures who want to keep zz weak in order to maintain their influence, and to be able to pull the strings of the show from backstage. But the major threat will come from the president himself who will not tolerate a strong and popular PM who has run against him in the last election and will very likely stand in the next one. Sidioca will be very quick to cut zz’s wings before he stretches them, even if the cost is the failure of the government and its reform plan.

As to the opposition, its strategy is too obvious to be stated. It plays weak when faced with a strong PM and the other way around, bullish if the government is confused and undecided.

The question, then, is which way ZZ will be going, to be strong and face the music or weak and keep his post. The answer to this question is anyone’s guess as only zz knows what on zz’s mind. The question for us bears on the impact of this abrupt twist of national politics on the development of the country and the smooth work of the state.

Without much guessing, I think a mix of strong and weak zz is exactly what is need to steer the country away from the political and economic brink on which it’s perched now. A strong PM who is aware of the stakes for himself and for the nation will not succumb to pressure from Rumuz alfasad and will push his reform agenda forward. He knows that a repeat of Taya’s style of government will ruin his political future and damage his credibility. Yet a weak PM is a safe guard against political infighting in the cabinet and will also facilitate the work of the government. The least we need now is a divided leadership which is torn apart by political rivalry and unable to put its differences aside. A smooth running of the country will create confidence inside and outside and generate a suitable environment for development.

I have the impression that some mix of the sort is already underway in the government. With Sidioca in charge of the broad line of governance zz is left to take care of the do's and don'ts of his reform program. He will be overseeing the launch of the anti-corruption national day tomorrow. Hope he will prove me true, lol.

mom

When The Poor Take Matters In Their Owen Hands

2007-11-23T18:03:00.000-08:00

A great merit of democracy is that it sets a viable and credible mechanism for peaceful accession to power. When, in a country, people decide to take matters in their own hands and chose their government through ballot boxes and elections in stead of military takeovers and violent social revolts, the result will be no less than a strong bond of trust between the governing leadership and the masses. Trust is key because without it governments tend to be isolated from their people and the more they feel isolated the more likely they grow into dictatorships, clumping down on dissent to stay in power. Until recently we had been on the wrong side of history exactly because of this unhealthy relationship of mistrust and the corrupt crop of leaderships it gave rise to. But for a while we thought that with the fall of the last of the dictators, the country will get back on track as it has been left with nowhere to go but the democratic way. There were fair elections which were fiercely fought by contenders from all the walks of our political life. All Mauritanians put their hands together for the triumphant winner, even his opponent gave him a big hand. It was a successful denouement for our young democratic story and all sides did everything to boost the general feeling of euphoria and satisfaction which swept the whole country. The transition to democracy was so genuinely felt and widely celebrated that Arab vanguard elite begun to sell the Mauritanian model of democracy as the sole way forward for the rest of Arab countries. Even Bush mentioned Mauritania among the nations which boast of true democracies in his address to the UN General Assembly on the occasion of the organization’s sixtieth anniversary. Democracy did not only make us go regional but global as well, and in a country which hardly exports anything, at all, democracy can do a lot to paint our image abroad in the most beautiful of colors. So, what more do we want? Doesn’t it suffice that we have lifted the democratic bar high and were able to measure up? Well, the answer is not very far to seek. True, we set an example of healthy democratic exercise but we want to keep the momentum on so as to prevent any possible setbacks. The only way to keep alive the democratic pulse and to turn the page of political instability forever is for the government to deliver and for the people to hold it to account if it fails to do so. Such was the case with regard to the recent political upheavals, the shockwaves of which still felt nationwide.

The protests which broke out a couple of weeks ago were a vivid example of what could happened when the government fails to live up to its promises and indulges instead into the rhetoric of political complacency. Since it’s swearing in few months back, the new government has been put to task on number of occasions and was given enough time to read the writing on the wall. Yet Sidiocazz failed to learn their lesson despite the host of crises they have been through. They chose to be in denial about the appalling economic conditions of ordinary citizens instead of addressing them and trying to come up with long tem solution to knock them into shape. You certainly still remember the president’s reaction to the water and electricity crisis when he went public on national TV just to tell angry and frustrated citizens that he has nothing to do and that the crisis will go on for three more years to come. You also remember Sidocazz’s firing Ould Leili for sounding the alarms of a certain famine in the country. And so on. To compound the misery of an already beleaguered population, the government kept saying that the skyrocketing prices of basic goods attest to the success of the country’s market-oriented economic policy. There were many times when senior government officers chose to focus on debating theories of economic stability rather than elaborating policies to alleviate the suffering of the most vulnerable. The government spared no occasion to assure the public that everything is just fine and that there’s no reason to worry. To go about this PR campaign, cabinet members and leading politicians from the pro-government majority coalition missed no chance to allay public fear through long speeches in parliament, intensive TV appearances and countless press conferences. None seemed willing to look out from his ivory tower to see the overwhelming state of helplessness and despair gripping over people’s life. But when the government refuses to see the life on the streets, the streets brings that life them. No matters how they try to occlude it, the life of the poor and the disenfranchised will haunt them and soon. The normal course of events has irreversibly been leading to these protests, even though they came violently and by surprise.

All this happened at a time when calls for reforms seemed to be met with deaf ears, alienating even the moderate voices among the political elite. With more and more figures from the old regime being named by the government for high-profile positions in the public administration, one is left with the impression that all official talk about reform is mere political hype. And then, there came the motion to form the so-called “majority party” to crash any hope of moving forward. But the sugarcoating policy which the government has adopted all the way long proved ineffective in the face of growing public outrage and worsening life conditions around the country. At some point down the road things were doomed to spin out of control and it was just a matter of time.

After this sketchy attempt to tell the muffled story of government’s incompetence behind the bloody riots which took place two weeks ago further deep in the southeast of the country, I’ll just say few words about these unprecedented events. But before that let me remind you that the government’s plan to address the issue reveals our leadership’s failure to catch up with the amazing development on the ground. The package of measures which the cabinet announced does not provide along term policy to fight poverty and create wealth through a modern, competitive, productive and transparent economic system. It’s just an emergency plan based on charity handouts to the poor in the rural areas and it keeps silent on the core issues of corruption, favoritism, incompetence which plague our public administration and concentrate money in the hands of the privileged few. Once again, Sidiocazz fail to accurately know the stakes and fathom out the gravity of the situation.

Just to proceed to give this events a lick and a promise, I think that these protests will be remembered for the following:

- They were the first violent riots in the histroy of the country in which protesters were killed and injured by excessive use of force by police.
- They were the first riots in the history of the country in which popular backlash against deteriorating life conditions comes from outside major metropolitan cities like NKTT and NDB.
- They were the first riots in the history of the country which erupts from rural areas, usually unaffected by government policies.
- They were the first riots in the history of the country, and this is the most important, which take place in the southeast region, known as a historical stronghold for successive government since 1978 coup against Moukhtar Ould Dadaha.

All these elements render these riots exceptional and explain why they came as a shock for all parties, government and opposition alike.

In all self-respecting societies, the memory of those who give their lives so that others can live in dignity and peace are kept alive. There are several ways to do it, by building a memorial or setting a day to commemorate them. Since I don’t have the means or the authority to do either, I chose to honor them by telling their story and urge you all to keep their story alive.

mom

Meimona, The Everywoman

2007-07-26T08:54:00.000-07:00

It has been two years since I noticed that there was definitely something wrong with Meimouna. She has been our neighbor for about seven years, living three blocs away from my parents’ house. Ever since I knew her, many things have happened to us and to the country. Meimona broke up with her husband the same day the country broke up with TAYA ) (lol). I remember standing confused not able to tell my feelings. I was in the cloud nine about the news of tanks rolling around the streets of NKTT in what appeared to be a bloodless coup against the vicious dictator. This euphoria was marred by the sad face of my mother telling me that Meimouna is divorced. Although our relationship never got beyond formal and quick exchange of Salamoualeikoum, her frequent visits to the family and her shy and conservative manner made her one of those women who are likely to win your respect easily and then your affection. So, always with a head-down attitude when saying hello, she gained my respect and admiration as I started to see her as a member of the family. Small wonder then that the news of her divorce overshadowed my excitement about and celebration of Taya’s departure.

Now it has been two years since Mauritania conducted her course without Taya and Meimouna faced her fate without her husband. What became of the country is what I’ve been trying to tell you since I launched the blog. What became of Meimouna is another story, which I’ll try to tell you today.

But first, why the feeling that there’s something wrong about Meimouna?

I was walking through the corridor which lead to the living room, when I saw my mother with other women. They were talking, laughing and drinking tea. This is a familiar sight which I used to meet with a hasty hello, hurrying my way to the living room at the end of the hallway. Not now! There was Meimouna among these women, looking like nothing I’ would have expected. I was stunned when she looked at me straight in the face and asked half-speaking and half-laughing if I still know her “matleit taarafna”. I have faced this not- quite-innocent question many times and had answered it in a variety of ways, but from her it came as a shock which rendered me speechless. She was there, ten years younger than her age, confident, defiant, well dressed and casting her net wide on me. With the heavy make-up, the expensive mobile she kept brandishing and the French perfume filling the air, Meimouna fitted not in my image of a mother of five who had been left to the vagaries of the cold world after her husband abandoned her. Back to consciousness, I heard her answering a question from one of the women “hamda el moulana elli ouveit menou, houa ‘el ai eeg”.

With this note of relief and freedom from Meimouna in mind, I started to ask whether divorce is a curse or a blessing and if divorced women in our society have any regrets at all about losing the sacred bond of marital commitment and partnership. Whether a woman in our rapidly changing society has anything to loose from divorce. And If her loss, if any, is comparable to her gain.

We are probably the only society on earth which celebrates divorce and allows divorced men and women a clean bill of health when they try to marry again, and again. I'm sure the scene of divorced women being cheerlead in fancy procession cars to their parents is a sight too common for us to beg contemplation. We don't even ask whether it's a wedding or a break-up celebration, we have become so used to it that we are no more excited by the event of marriage than we're saddened by the eventuality of divorce. And by the same token that marriage has been stripped of its moral and emotional significance as a mutual partnership for life, divorce also has been purged of all its negative connotations.

We all know that divorce is the sad end of a failed marriage. In some other social contexts, divorce offers an important second chance in life for couples who couldn't get along together anymore as wife and husband. It's a chance given by society to start over without absolving the couples of their social responsibility toward the children. Society, through mechanism of behavior control, like courts and others, makes sure that we don't tamper with the value of the family which is the basis of society and the sole guarantee of its continuity. This is why state institutions, law, religion, etc are part of a network of moral vehicles cultivated and used by society to make sure that marriage is respected and that divorce is discredited. In some societies, divorced husbands can't afford to make ends meet because ninety percent of their income goes to the children. So after divorce, they find themselves confined to a life of celibacy till this end. These may be extreme measures, but they show how much societies want to preserve themselves and their continuity by making marriage sacred and by protecting the family.

I'm no Dr. Phil (lol) but this is the truth, if a society fails to monitor the behavior of individuals, the result will be a sate of anarchy where anything goes. And the laws against divorce and the social stigma attached to it worldwide are just an expression of this collective will to avoid a life of chaos and lawlessness.

But do Mauritanians think twice before they embark upon "abkadou al halai"? The answer is no. In fact they don't think at all when they take the decision. Everyone of you has certainly a member of the family who has divorced his wife, remarried and divorced her again for no reason at all. Some of you also may have close relatives who were obliged to use a third party to marry his wife , divorced for the third time, before he can claim her back "ala sounati allahi wa rassouli " (lol). If you try to figure out why both sexes are quick to resort to divorce as a handy solution for their problems, you'll be amazed to find out there need be no reason at all. Divorced men and women in our society are just relishing their rights granted to them by a culture which gives precedence to divorce over marriage. We're a society of divorcees because ours is a culture of divorce. Full stop. This explains how divorce doesn't have to do with the social background, regional origin, professional success or level of education. In Nouakchott, we're all actual or potential second-hand husbands and wives. It's amazing that as much as you're jealous, fellow Mauritanian, you don't realize that your wife today will be someone else's wife tomorrow after you would have abandoned her. So, on a deeper level of observation, we're not only a nation of divorcees but also of cuckolds (lol). Poor Mauritanians!

This may explain a bit why my neighbor looked jubilant and rebranded after the poor "garay" left her. From a wretched mother of five who bore the brunt of NKTT's life every day, she becomes now the owner of a two-story house which people started to use as an address to tell their way in the maze of our neighborhood. Last night, I had an encounter with her. I was driving past her gorgeous villa when she shouted my name asking me to pull over. She came along with a group of women whom I haven't seen in the neighborhood before and can tell form their dress, cigarettes and easy going manner they don't dwell here. She didn't say anything particular but her attitude spoke volumes.

As I started the engine, a thought crossed my mind that maybe life in our society is about attitudes. The thought kept running through my mind that if society gave Meimouna no third choice between being married and heart-broken and being divorced and happy, the blame is not hers alone if she chooses to be happy. The blame is on our culture of divorce.

mom

The Future Of The Country Still In The Balance After Two Months of Sidioca’s Rule

2007-07-02T06:34:00.000-07:00

The 3rd of August 2005 could have been just another day in the tumultuous history of this struggling nation at the tip of the Sahara, had it meant nothing more than just another power struggle among the ruling military elite which had ruled over the country for the last three decades. Luckily for us it hadn’t. The junta which toppled the authoritarian regime of Taya pledged to put the country back on track and hand power over to an elected civilian government, winning a wary and skeptical international community and a reluctant albeit sympathetic national opinion. The new leaders went even further by taking tangible measures towards achieving these goals and involving world and national players in the processes and policies aimed at setting the groundwork for real change in the country. The military was able to ride out the storm it created by picking up the right issues and making the right promises which matter internationally and domestically, building trust and bolstering its legitimacy. It promised a new era of democracy and transparency to counter international worries about the possible instability in the country and its spill over on regional peace. It goes without saying that the last thing the US and Europe would want is the prospect of another failed state which will easily fall for al-Qaida branches already active and operating in the region as well as being a safe passage for illegal immigration and drugs trafficking. By defending its case on a democratic platform the military succeeded not only in allaying fears about its being a force of instability but also in painting itself as promoting a democratic model which could be replicated in the rest of the Arab world.

Courting the favor of the national opinion on the other hand was by far an easier ride. The population which has lost hope for the future was waiting in the wings to see the back of Taya. So when the time came and Taya was overthrown peacefully in a bloodless coup, Mauritanians were ready to close ranks around the new crop of leaders and express support for them. The following democratic pledge was for many a foregone denouement of a national awakening story that kicked off with the fall of the dictator. This alone accounts for the national consensus which marked the two-year-long transition and the willingness to condone the at-times grievous blunders committed by the CMJD and the civil government. Dissent was viewed with mistrust as everybody was keen to make the transition smooth and successful, even though success has meant on many occasions turning a blind eye to pitfalls in the run up to the elections and the transfer of power. It appeared as if there was a tacit trade off between the general public and the CMJD whereby the latter relinquishes power and can get away with its mistakes in return, a win-win deal which both sides have honored.

The question on everyone’s mind now is whether the newly elected government will be able to follow in the lead of the CMJD, drumming international and domestic support for its democratic pledges, without delivering on the urgent issues of genuine reform. Although the answer is clearly “no”, the government looks set to make a repeat of the transition’s recipe of failure, mindless that the consequences of failure this time will be grievous and far reaching.

Indeed Sidiocazz may miscalculate that political openness alone will tip the scales in their favor, sparing them the trouble of combating rampant corruption and effecting a tangible improvement in the standards of living. This strategy which helped the CMJD steer clear of troubles would only plunge the current leadership into more crises, as more and more people are fed up with the democratic talk without any change in their lives.

The enduring culture of corruption can not be reversed with the traditional brand of administrators in charge. A new and clean generation of administrators has to take matters in hand and restore credibility to the public administration and the state. This belief, shared by the opposition as well as the ruling majority, was behind the president's choice of a new-look government line-up which boasts of featuring none of those close to the former regime. But this move, intended to send a potent message about the president's will for change, soon backfired. Made up of mostly novice low-profile administrators, the new government couldn't catch up with the daunting challenges facing it. To make matters worse, the new government was not only lacking in terms of experience but also had no plan to deal with various crisis which rocked it from day one. Right after it assumed authority, the Pandora's box of water and power shortages and prices increase broke open. Shanty districts, and even some up-market neighborhoods, of the capital suffered a severe water crisis which lasted for a month. Water shortage, which can be chalked up to a variety of reasons chief among which are the absence of long-term national policy of water and dysfunction of corruption infested Sonelck, was left to take its toll on the residents of Nouakchott as government officials remained in denial about the crisis. The same goes for the recurrent blackouts which hit Nouackchott almost daily. The new government was not only confused and incompetent but also showed it had not let go of obsolete practices of authoritarian regime. What we have seen is a bunch of ministers whose primary concern is to defend the sanctity of the state instead of facing the crises gripping the country head on, leading to the conviction that the government has undergone a change in style but not in substance.

So people's hopes for far-reaching reform are dashed by the government's failure to reinvent itself as a force spearheading change, stoking fears that the prospects of uprooting corruption in the public administration are still out of reach. This bleak outlook is further consolidated by a host of other measures which belie the new leadership's ambivalence about a complete break with the past. Every now and then new appointments to sensitive positions in the administration are announced, benefiting prominent members of the former regime. These appointments include the key positions of general secretaries of ministries, diplomatic sector and other facets of the administration. The aim behind this dangerous policy is two fold: to secure popular support by appointing a new breed of ministers, though inefficient ones, and bring the old generation through the back door and let them run the show. This is the least that can be said about an administration which allows a strong come back of Taya's cronies like Mohamed Vall Ould Ballal and Sidi Mohamed Ould Bubakar, among many others.

The president and his PM could have enjoyed the benefit of the doubt had it been a question of failing to have the right picks for the ministerial portfolios. People could always understand that twenty one years of methodic corruption under Taya made it extremely difficult to find picks with the double merit of being clean and competent. But what they couldn't understand is the leadership's open door policy toward including the remnants of the former regime in the running of the country. At a time hopes are at a high about the government adopting a zero-tolerance stance vis a vis corruption, the public opinion is shocked by what appears to be a premeditated plan to hold the country ransom one again to the corrupt class of the old regime. The appointment of one of the president's family members to the key post of deputy governor of the central bank is only another case of corruption which does not help refurbish the damaged image of this government.

The outcome of the last polls was very revealing about the choice of Mauritanians and offered a good lesson for next leadership. The fact that the results of the ballot was decided in a second round with a very narrow win by the incumbent is indicative that the consensus which marked the transition is over. It highlighted a divided community which is not speaking with one voice about who would be its next leader. Sidioca's lesson would have been to crack down on corruption and pursue reform aggressively in order to unite the nation behind him. What he did is the opposite. He took public support for granted, unaware that he can not enjoy the impunity of the CMJD because circumstances as well as expectations have changed. People rallied behind the CMJD because they relieved the country of Taya but most importantly because people wanted the military to go after their mandate is over. With Sidioca it is the other way around. People believe they have given him power and they are itching for their due. So "deliver" is the name for their bond with the president, who still has a lot of catching up to do to grasp this new reality.

mom

A Nation On Tenterhooks About The Outcome of NDB’s Drug Scandal

2007-05-11T19:31:00.000-07:00

The unfolding drug saga is by all odds the longest and most spectacular criminal plot to take place in the country. Ten days on and the information trickling from the police investigation continue to fuel doubts the case won't be closed any time soon, especially with the leading suspects still at large. The plot which consisted of an attempt to traffic millions of euros worth of drug aboard a private jet from the airport of Nouadhibou, the country's second largest city, had been foiled by the police. Media and security sources reported that the police acted on a tip off that a plane suspected of carrying drug was bound to NDB from Venezuela and subsequently waited at the airport for the plane to touch down before they swooped down on it, but somehow the criminals managed to escape leaving the drug and the police behind (lol). Soon an investigation was launched leading to the arrest of several suspects, including well known political figures, policemen, civilians and foreigners. Police which had previously denied rumors of two more small planes being involved in the plot, came and confirmed the information.

This is a brief and sketchy summery of the findings of the ongoing investigation in an what is widely seen as the most dangerous and elaborate crime to rock the country to date. Just how the unraveling of this intricate criminal plot will go down in the public opinion is what everyone is holding his breath to see. Although this might be a distraction from more pressing issues like reviving the economy and addressing the national unity question, the government's handling of this case will determine its standing in the public opinion. Success in conducting proper and timely investigation which will see all the criminals behind bars will undoubtedly sky-rocket government's standing, while failure will nosedive its popularity beyond redemption- note the use of diction related to aviation (lol).

Hoping that the government has seriously taken matters in hand and is conscious of the political and security-related stakes involved in the case, I’ll try to take them to task on the basis of what we already know about the case and on the information released by the national security forces.

Up to now national security forces have displayed a great deal of incompetence and lack of preparedness in dealing with the case. It appears, to their credit, that intelligence information was available about the itinerary of the plane and the time of its arrival, which explained the presence of security elements at the airport. And while availability of intelligence is crucial in such operations worldwide, Mauritanian police somehow screwed up in spite of its prior knowledge of the entire plan. So what went wrong? Why the police failed to capture the crew of the plane and the purportedly prime suspect who was present at the airport and who has bought kerosene for the plane to refuel, according to the security sources. Why the police failed to capture the crew when the plane run out of fuel and grounded 100 kms away from Nouadhibou? And what was behind the police’s silence on the other two jets. These failures and others more get me thinking along with thousands of other Mauritanians that the police was in the know but chose to let the traffickers escape from the hands of justice. This can happen only if security elements are infiltrated by the drug mafia and at high levels, an eventuality which sounds more convincing given the way the crime was dealth with in the last week or so. Today the director of Judicial Police, Mohamed Abadallahi Ould Taleb Abeidi was on the popular talk-show “Bisaraha”. In spite of his excellent Arabic and apparent determination to reassure the public of the security measures in place, he failed to make the case for his comrades’ inability to arrest the plane crew and the major suspect who was waiting for them at the airport.

It is this possibility which stokes the fears of the national public and which represents the real test for our largely untested government. It’s true that the government has a lot of catching up to do to win back the confidence of the people, who have a long history with police’s miserable record in establishing order and fighting off crime. To the public eyes, the police has always been an instrument of insecurity rather than security, taking full advantage of rampant lawlessness and lack of accountability in the country to loot, abuse and act above the law. Some people go even as far as saying that most of crimes committed in NKTT and NDB are shepherded by police and security elements. Now, for the government to turn things around and to make up for these failures it has to ensure a thorough and fair investigation and to bring the perpetrators to justice, now matter who they are and regardless of their social or professional status. But this has always been easier said than done, because it takes a lot more than just a security clamp down. The bottom line here is no less than a large-scale overhaul of the security and judicial bodies which are reeling from decades of spectacular corruption and professional incompetence. Whether the new-look government will be willing to crack the whip and kick start an anti-corruption campaign to purge state institutions of mafias and rings of criminals is yet to be seen. But as much as this case provides a golden opportunity for Sidiocazz (Californian ente mnein) to push through reforms and keep up their pledges of rehabilitating public administration, it also presents a daunting challenge for their will to break up with the past. There is a strong feeling that the government is presented with a make or break situation here, either to grab this case as its chance to right the mistakes of the past or turn a blind eye and see its credibility hitting rock bottom. We pray that they see the writing on the wall and take heed of it.

It’s secret to no one that NDB is a city infested with all sorts of illegal activities, ranging from drug trafficking to arms and immigrants smuggling. It is a costly price the coastal city is paying for its geographical location but also for the complete state of anarchy and lawlessness thanks to which Taya’s cronies were able to sustain their power for two decades. A hotbed for minor crimes, NKTT has seen less exposure to this underworld of criminality as the ringleaders used the city to spend their wealth and boost their political and social influence. The trend then was to do politics in NKTT and do business, which always meant crime, in NDB. The extent to which state institutions were entangled in the world of criminality was evident in 1996 when the Interpol turned the heat on Taya’s government to curb the flow of drug trafficking into Europe and the US through Mauritania. The international police provided the government with a list of suspects, most of whom where from the security forces. But instead of letting justice have its way, Taya was too savvy to condemn his security and set a precedent which could see high-ranking officials from his regime behind bars. He staged a mock trial and freed the suspects.

Now that Taya is gone and we have a democratic government voted into power on a reform ticket, let’s hope that the transparency which marked the government’s dealing with this spectacular crime is a signal of its determination to dig the demons of the underworld up in the open in order to put them to rest. Amin.

mom

Sidioca! “Even You, Brutus?”

2007-04-21T20:15:00.000-07:00

It’s hard to believe that within such a limited span of time there can occur such a dramatic swing of moods and reversal of expectations. From the celebratory mood of the president’s installation to the shocking appointment of his head of cabinet, the country has been jolted out of its slumberous optimism to the grim realities of politics. Of course there has always been a surreal aspect to our political life but none has been so unpredictable and hazardous as to prepare us for this reckless decision. For all the high hopes of democratic change nurtured all along none of us would have expected that it will end up with someone like ZZ at the top of our first ever democratically elected cabinet. There is only one explanation to this sad denouement of what the world entire expected to be an unfolding story of historical change: either the new president has nothing new about him at all, being just another surviving member of Taya’s regime or a weak leader brought to power to allow yesterday’s rulers to continue to run the country by proxy. Either case he would have failed the historical promise of genuine democratic and institutional transformation in the country. Full stop.

We will never run short of people from different backgrounds who will come up with excuses for the wrong decisions taken by the government, in spite of the disastrous effects of these decisions on the ground. So, be prepared to see them trying to sell ZZ on the premise that he is an experienced economist, graduating from high-flying God knows what institution. The question that these overoptimistic dreamers cannot answer is very simple: what does all this have to do with ZZ’s history as senior state official holding some of the most sensitive posts in the country. Prove me wrong if they would come up with anything more serious than blaming his miserable record on the others, like his mentor Taya, when faced with this question. The problem is that there is a general culture of leniency toward the misconduct by government officials which makes it difficult to hold them accountable for their deeds. There will always be some people asking for the benefit of the doubt to be given when these officials should be taken to court. Thanks to this indifference, power had exchanged hands only between criminals and dictators and each time a voice of dissent contested their legitimacy it was silenced by this mentality of “criminals can change to an angles overnight.” Although I was cheated into believing that Sidioca could lead the country through to stability and prosperity, no way I’m going to lose my grip on reality again and imagine that ZZ can lead us anywhere.

I have always taken this dramatic saga of democracy with a pinch of salt but never thought it will derail so quickly and so dramatically. There is no way I could have figured out that while Sidioca would be reiterating his campaign promises in front of the world during his oath taking ceremony, when elsewhere we were preparing the announcement of ZZ as prime minister. Frankly, I don’t see how this decision will reinforce the national unity, curb unemployment, turn the economy around or fight rampant corruption- the five key themes which Sidioca vowed to tackle in his term. In addition to my blog on the swearing which was too optimistic to be published, the second victim of this nomination is these five ambitious points which constitute Sidioca’s program and for which he was shortlisted by Mauritanians as their president, or did they? (lol). Add to these promises ZZ’s famous free-housing policy and you’ll get a sense of what it means to be let down at this early stage of the five-year term.

I know we all still hope that somehow this will turn out for the better. We hope that we got it wrong about all this and that ZZ will live up to our expectations and be the cold and rigorous economist we want him to be. We hope our view of him is right and not mere wishfulthinking and that Sidioca has made the right choice. We hope also that ZZ will chose the right members of cabinet, bold, non-ideological and technocratic ministers. As much as I know none of us is ready to let go of these hopes, I’m convinced that Sidoca didn’t make a random choice when he named ZZ as his PM. The same way ZZ will not be making a haphazardous selection when it comes to his cabinet. Like all presidents and prime ministers worldwide, both guys are making picks from their closest friends, people whom they trust and can bet on their loyalty. Only it happens that unlike in the other parts of the world, our two guys’ friends are not the right people, for the reasons mentioned above.

mom

"Al-Bayaa", Terms Of Swearing Allegiance To The President Elect

2007-03-28T03:54:00.000-07:00

I don't know what was on Sidioca's mind when he gave his press statement assuring the general public and reaching out for his friends and foes alike. Neither do I know what the first thought that occurred to him when the news of his victory was broken to him. But I know for sure that his happiness was unbounded and those who lined up behind him along his way up to the top post have felt on cloud nine after carrying the day. There is nothing wrong with relishing in factory and celebrating the fruit of their labor provided the president elect and his close circle of friends and supporters realize that it not about the ceremonial show of elation alone but also showing good leadership and being the leader who "reassures" as Sidioca wants to picture himself. This leads me to wonder whether the merry guys were fully conscious not only of their victory but most significantly of how it was achieved. Sidioca has to stop for a second and give a serious thought to the landmark victory. He has to fully grasp that it was an ideal scenario any presidential contender would have longed for. How?

- Winning for the first time he runs for the post
- Quickly receive congratulations from your rival and hopes for success
- Being supported by the most influential people across the board, tribal leaders, businessmen, and their influential "Samsara" as well.
- Having cozy and warm relations with power wielding CMJD.
- Enjoying the support of the continental, Arab and international community
- Leading a country which sits on oil, gas, mineral riches and which has fertile lands and generous sea.

These factors show that Sidioca has all Mauritanians and international parties on onboard with him and he is presented with a historical moment to be the man of consensus and "reassurance" he promised to be. Great. Mauritania has believed in you and in what you said, now it's your turn to show that you meant it and carry through your campaign promises. We have seen an awful lot of similar moments when presidents in civil and military uniforms celebrate their way to the palace but we also have seen a trail of frustrations as none of those presidents cared about anything other than to sustain his power and favor his inner circle of friends. They were all good at reducing the country to the state and the state to their power. Now, It's in your power to change this, to change the way the state is run and how we grew to negatively perceive it. As you can see, with the support you enjoy you can alter the face of the country for good and restore trust in the state and the political elite which has long been associated with spectacular corruption as they competed to have access to state coffers and revenue-generating positions. Mauritanians hope that you are aware of the stakes and fully understand that we're talking here about a break-or-make situation. You alone have now the power to make of it a success story and turn the tide for a people who have suffered for decades from the failure of their successive leaderships.

I'm not going to sound the alarms and from the get-go put the blame on this or that person of your entourage and warn against your past. In fact, this is what we have been doing over the last month, engaging in a fruitful debate throughout the campaign and providing a balanced and fair coverage of Sidioca and AOD as well as the first round candidates. Now that the campaign is over and we have a winner who is the choice of all Mauritanians and trusted by all of them, even his rivals, we will be well served to wait until we see his government line up and see him implementing his policies and starting business. For the time being I think we have to give him the benefit of the doubt and make sure not disturb the serenity of the first days. AOD has set a good example for us to follow when he recognized the results and joined the well wishers. Let's join in but in our own way which is to remind Sidioca of the challenges he has to meet and the chances he should not take:

There is no doubt that democracy is a good thing and organizing fair and transparent polls is a new mile stone in the history of the country. But democracy and elections will be a political surplus and an institutional luxury unless they are put at the service of good governance and the rule of law. The real test of the viability of our democratic institution will be whether it will lead to change and help implement long-awaited reforms. In fact, democracies have been eclipsed in many countries around the world because they were divorced from the realities on the ground, failing to affect a fundamental transformation in people's lives for the better. There're many cases around the world when fair election brought corrupt and inefficient elites to power which failed to address the pressing issues of the people and were therefore either overthrown or plunged their countries into civil war and mayhem. To ward off likely scenarios in our country, the incoming president has to come up with policies which will lead to change. We all will be looking forward to see the next government's plans to turn around the economy, fight corruption in public administration, fair distribution of wealth on the national level, independence of the judiciary, education, escalating poverty, widespread unemployment, human rights abuses, etc. The record of the up coming cabinet along these lines will determine whether Sidioca is going to stay the course or will backpedal on his promises as well as deciding the political future of the country. The next five-year term will be crucial in this regards and the key is to make change palpably reflected on the lives of ordinary Mauritanians.

It's now obvious that we pinch high hopes on the president and his team to bring about change in the country, especially with the support he enjoys and the riches the country boasts of. Yet these hopes will not see the light unless we strike a warning note by attracting Sidioca's attention to the other less bight aspect of the picture. Let's read between the lines of the five points listed above:

- Winning for the first time he runs for the post (with only 53%, Sidioca will be ruling a deeply divided nation)
- Quickly receive congratulations from your rival and hopes for success (well because AOD is democratic and for that reason he will change his mind and the opposition with him in case there will be an abuse of power.)
- Being supported by the most influential people across the board, tribal leaders, businessmen, and their influential "Samsara" as well (these people change allegiance like winds reason why some of them are now with AOD)
- Having cozy and warm relations with power wielding CMJD (after its dissolution, the CMJD will either go to its barracks and end its alleged support for Sidioca or hang around sending a stern warning to many people, the first of them will be Sidioca.)
- Enjoying the support of the continental, Arab and international community (only if Sidioca lived up to his promises of democratic rule and rational reform)

Your Excellency, it's up to you to lead your country to safety and enjoy the support of all parties or derail it and lose the support and who knows may loose your seat as well (Hanana ente vem). I hope, I even pray, that you will be the leader who "reassures" even though the overtones of this word has always meant the status quo, a euphemism for inaction and being static. I don't like to think of "Change in stability", which certainly rings a bell we don't want to hear anymore. Wish you good luck.

mom

A Face To Face & A Taste Of The Contenders Ahead Of The Vote

2007-03-23T12:58:00.000-07:00

The long awaited face to face between the two presidential hopefuls eventually took place in spite of previous delays which cast doubts about it happening at all. But somehow the two contenders managed to have time and guts to show up and confront each other in what is widely seen as landmark event which will give a boost to our incipient democratic life. With all the trappings of democracy already in place, a televised debate between the major contenders is a good step along the way of implementing democratic tradition in the country. In this regard, the mere act of holding the debate is in itself a big achievement. From now on future polls will all see candidates staking their victory on similar debates, changing the current ways of campaigning and how candidates appeal to voters. This is about the symbolic significance of the event but what about the quality of last night's debate? And how was the performance of the two candidates?

Well the debate kicked off with the two candidates introducing themselves and speaking briefly about why they run for the post and what they would do once elected. At this stage we were expecting the two candidates to paint themselves in concrete straightforward terms and talk about tangible issues, after all this introductory moment will determine how they are going to connect with the viewers throughout the debate and decide the feel at the end. Well, this didn't happen and we saw sweeping generalities and vagueness take over instead. It was clear that AOD was speaking to us from the above, assuming the position of Imam or preacher who speaks final truths and not required to argue for his point or be persuasive to get his message across. For a while I thought the voice of AOD was coming from another world as he reiterated the common universal truths of justice and freedom, etc. He gave me the impression that we were seeking his favor not the other way around. Sidioca on the other hand was more down to earth, he was quick to relate to the viewers as he went on to explain the reasons behind his candidacy and outline his plans for good governance based on plurality and the consolidation of the national unity. Even though he was not necessarily specific about these issues, he outdid AOD by speaking of himself, his objectives and calling voters to choose him. I felt the guy was talking to me and that he has something to say, whether he means it or not that's another issue.

After the brief introductory notes Ould Mamma laid down the axes of the debate which he summarized in the following six points:

National Unity
Good Governance
Fight against Poverty
Education
Economy
Foreign Policy (I don't know why he calls it foreign relations)

As you can see the six points were so interconnected and overlapping that the candidates were most of time repeating themselves. In fact at some point in the debate AOD went out of his "Ghebla" evasiveness and stated it point blank in the face of the journalist that the questions were repetitive, saying that he has already answered the question put to him. But this is another story which cuts deep into the bureaucracy reigning in the national TV and which shuts off good journalists from taking on important assignments like this one.
Let's see each candidate's take on these Axis one by one:

National Unity:

AOD: national unity is a prerequisite for the existence of the state and its prosperity (what! It's not by exaggerating and blowing issues out of proportion that we make sense and meet thorny crises like this one under consideration. AOD is once again victim to his evasiveness and ambiguity. In fact I was expecting him to tell us why there's a national unity crisis and how to remedy it, not simply the kind of hackneyed descriptions he never tires of repeating.) National Unity has suffered from incidents in 1989 and 1990 and I have always defended it out of my love for the country. One way to tackle it is through national reconciliation and spirit of forgiveness and our religion can provide us with the means to do that. I propose a reconciliatory and fair solution away from vengeance and with all parties onboard. (this is not what I have been waiting for. Well, religion and reconciliation can be used in all contexts but AOD left us in the dark about how they can address the problem of national unity. He chose to be silent on this. We will have to wait until his answer to a third question about the coexistence among the components of society to see concrete actions and measures. At this point AOD calls for an organized return for the refugees in Senegal and Mali and promised to compensate them and preserve their dignity. )

Sidioca: our future is dependent on our national unity, without which there'll be no freedom, rights or prosperity in the country. ( Strong emphasis and yet no clear policy or a platform of action. Frankly, Sidioca was echoing AOD and the common denominator between both is lack of conceptual clarity, so much so that one is inclined to think they don't belong to this part of the world. Even a second-rate journalist from "Peshmerga" could have done better.)

On the divisive issue of Language which threatens national unity AOD and Sidioca were so out of imagination as to endorse Taya's obsolete policy. They both defended his Center of National Language without further elaboration or development and said they will abide by the constitution as far as Arabic is concerned. Strangely enough I felt more at home with the former dictator's one-sided view on the issue than with their distorted logic. They were both out of touch with the realities on the ground that they couldn't finish their arguments at certain points. It seems that our hopes for fundamental change may be reduced to mere revival of old policies from Taya's era. Sad.

On the third and last aspect of the national unity question entitled " Coexistence between the Social Components", the two candidates were finally able to come up with concrete measures to sort out the problem of slavery. There was a unanimous stance on the urgent need of fighting slavery in all its forms and manifestations. Both candidates were to a large degree convincing in their views as well as their commitment to the eradication of slavery, each proposing a package of measures ranging from economic assistance to juridical outlawing of the inhuman practice. AOD was first to speak out his mind on the issue and revealed plans to criminalize the practice of slavery, a move reiterated by Sidioca.

Good Governance:

Both candidates were once again entertaining more or less the same views about how to better serve and run the country. It has to be said, though, that throughout the debate only this point was completely exhausted by both as each presented a clear policy for addressing the problems which plague the administration, i.e. favoritism, anarchy, spectacular corruption, etc. They vigorously defended the rule of law and the need for independent judiciary and the separation of powers. AOD stood out when he empathized the impact of the current state of lawlessness on the poor, passionately and sincerely highlighting how the enfranchised segments of society are the most negatively impacted by the violation of law and inefficiency of state institutions. Sidioca on the other was sharply voiced on the role of the executive power in the status quo and went some way in criticizing the former regime's record. He also proposed to set up a ministry charged with revamping the administration and warned against politicizing the administration.

Economy and Fighting Poverty:

If you have been counting on the two candidates' much publicized economic background and experience to effect a real economic transformation in the country you must then brace yourself up for a big disappointment. Up to this point in the debate I kept saying that when we reach the economic axis the two will be able to make up for their failure to be convincing on the other issues, but nothing could have been far from the truth. In fact the two "experimented" economists and former ministers were at a complete loss when they tried to piece together a reliable purchasable economic programme. AOD seemed like to stand for some sort of mix between protected and market-oriented economy while Sidioca was championing the familiar home-made version of liberal economy. Attempts to look academic and provide an expert perspective on the challenges of turning around the economy simply couldn't work. This is why AOD division of the country to three economic regions (rural East and South, Coastal West and Mineral North) was just an intellectual luxury which couldn't seem to influence his analysis of poverty, escalating unemployment, regional isolation, poor or nonexistent infrastructure, etc. The same goes for Sidioca's "Territory Management" which was incongruent with his "local associations" and "Women Associations", revived Taya's economic fragments which in no way can form a coherent and full-fledged policy.

Before going to the next point I have to say in passing that I was extremely moved by AOD's honest and heartfelt defence of the youth and the poor and his awareness that poverty is key to any attempt to tackle our economic melt down. He repeated time and again that to improve our under achieving economy, poverty has to be rooted out from NKTT and other cities nationwide and that meeting the demands of the youth is the way to national stability.

The last issue was Education which none of the two candidates seemed to have given a thought at all. It was real shame.

Twin Brothers Or Sworn Enemies:

There are moments in the debate when I thought thing are going to be hot and the exchange is set to be bullish and more aggressive. Each time, it was AOD who starts the tirade pointing the finger of blame to his rival, accusing him of having "rumuz alfassad" onboard and stuff like that. Sidioca cared to retort but avoided heated confrontation throughout. I thought may be we're going to slip to a more spirited and vigorous debate in which each rival puts up stiff resistance and makes the show more lively, engaging and interesting. But this could never have happened because these were very brief outbreaks of anger and they were quickly put under control.

Yet AOD and Sidioca have perhaps more affinities than their apparent differences. Just take time to think of these points which can be seen as political portrait for both:

- Both are economists without economic agenda
- Both are former ministers and veteran politicians with no idea of what goes on in the country
- Both are old in their sixties
- Both are first round winner with less than 25%
- Both are bad public speaker, the worst command of Arabic and French imaginable (XOY ente vem): this is a tentative glossary in Arabic (Ely ente mnein):

Drop Out (تسرب): AOD calls it (تسيب) while Sidioca (هجرة)

Election (انتخابات): Sidioca calls it (انتخاب)

Ahmed wants to impress with his Hassaniya so he uses slang like (الدكس، بوفرططٌ)

Sidioca keeps repeating all the time (يااللٌ)

As you see, one of the two will be our president, so let's hope he'll replay the face to face and see his shortcomings. This is just to leave on a happy note.

mom

It's Not Always OK With A Second Round

2007-03-16T02:01:00.000-07:00

No surprises at all! The outcome of the nation's first free ballot came largely as expected with a second round featuring the two top front-runners Sidi Ould Cheick Abdallahi (Sidioca) and Ahmed Ould Dadah (AOD). There were only two ways we could have had a winner in the first round. One, to have the military council fielding a candidate, rigging the vote and plunging us back into dictatorship and political uncertainty. The other is to have a strong and popular contender among the 19 who stood in the lections and who is capable to garner above fifty percent of the vote to win the race. Neither scenario happened for the CMJD chose to stay away from elections and oversee a civil democratic handover of power while the candidates were all too weak and unconvincing for the Mauritanians to allow anyone of them a landslide victory. And here we are, with a runoff and an electoral start over. But did we get it right or wrong? Did the message get across to Sidoca and AOD, when the people forced upon them a second round? Let us try to paint a picture of what is going on here.

For burgeoning democracies like ours, a second round is always a welcome turn of events. It's a healthy sign that the vote has been transparent and free and that we’re beyond the stage when the outcome of the polls is decided by dictatorships in power (Taya ente vem). With this race turning out to be such a tight-run thing we can congratulate ourselves that we have made a big step forward. It also tells that whoever wins he has to think of accountability for his policies and before undertaking any political gamble, he has to remember that eighty percent of the population didn't vote for him. Whether it's AOD or Sidioca, the next president has to watch his steps carefully because he received less than thirty percent of the vote and has consequently to work in terms of compromise and reach out for national consensus. Otherwise he will alienate large segments of the population and may risk a dangerous backlash. The message Mauritanians wanted to drive home to their next president is that polls are not the end of it and that a lot of work has to be done over the next five years for him to win the support of his people. It's not going to be an easy ride for the next winner who has to work hard to win a support Mauritanians declined to give him unless he merits it.

Yet a second round is not the best scenario, notwithstanding the above mentioned advantages. It's more about politicking and alliance-building than anything else. Unlike the first round when the candidates relied on programmes to promote their chances while appealing directly to voters, the ticket to victory in the second round depends on how much concessions Sidioca and AOD will be willing to make to get the backing of the candidate evicted in the first round. It's ironical that the losers are going to decide the winners of the election, those voted out by the people will come back to determine the future president. This is why we expect to see a lot of haggling, bargaining and concessions over the following week or so. Already some of the worst losers have joined ranks with either Sidioca and Ahmed and the rest will follow suit when their demands are met. The impact of this on the next government is tremendously serious. Not only we have now two weak candidates but also they will be weakened further by the compromises each should be making to win. Compromises might range from forming national unity government to doing without two or more sovereign ministerial portfolios, etc. To give you a sense of what I have in mind just think of a government line up that has AOD as president with Massoud or ZZ as PM. How a government like this one is going to work is anyone's guess. And instead of a strong president and a harmonious cabinet we will have an explosive mix which will bog us down in the next term. It's unfortunate that as much as the next five years will be crucial for instituting true democracy, turning around the economy and addressing the thorny issues of national unity, it seems that we have to come up against God knows how many barriers before we have a government capable of footing the bill for the job.

mom

X O Y Wrote His Farewell But His Story Has Just Begun: Democracy

2007-03-09T20:30:00.000-08:00

"vous venez de lire le dernier blog de x ould y !"
Is it just a frightening nightmare from which I'll wake up tomorrow to read his new blog and heave a sigh of relief? I can't believe that the next time I type the familiar link and click on it I'll see nothing other than souvenirs and memories of days of hopes and aspiration. To me, the blog of X Ould Y was not just a platform of free speech or a wonderful gathering place from the world of Arabian Nights, it was more than that. Everyone of us, Mauritanians rendered anonymous by tyranny and state oppression, felt like we're part of something greater than the prosaic daily struggle to earn a living. Everyone of us felt that he matters for the first time and that what he says is going to be heard. We all felt that there's something somewhere which unites us and brings us together, in spite of all efforts to tear us apart. X ould Y was that something somewhere, nameless and without identity. It was simply the story of Everyman(woman), the Noah ship that saved us all from giving in to the dictates of the status quo and succumbing to despair.

It's strange when I remember (we start speaking of him in these terms) the first time a friend of mine gave me the internet link of "x". His words were something like "you won't regret it, this is different from what we used to read about the country". I copied down the link, saved it and forgot about it. My idea was that my friend was just initiating a conversation and I went along with him out of civility. The next time my friend came to me and asked if I read the new blog and my answer betrayed everything. This time he refused to go away after he made sure we read the post together. From that day and until this farewell blog I've never missed one single story on "X Ould Blog". It was an addiction, I was X.O.Y addict.

I'm not going to dwell on the political role of the bolg since all the visitors have a firsthand experience of what it means to be hosted by "X". Yet it has to be said that x has left us different and more politically aware and engaged than when he first found us three years back. It's his legacy that I want to highlight since the role his blog played is known to all of us. Pioneer as he was, his presence or his shadow ( I'm inclined to think of him as our ZORO or Ould Mseika) will be there in the backdrop of our political life and debates. I can see him already being sited on this or that topic and his memory invoked all the time by all of us in all the walks of our life. It's great that you've entered our lives without warning and choose to make an end to your presence without forenotice, yet you were welcome when you first stepped in and greatly missed when you left, this is characteristic of all legendary characters.

All my life I've sought to find a Mauritanian who can stand up to power regardless of the costs, all my life I've found Mauritanians who stood up to power only when it's no more. You made the exception and that's also legendary. By power I mean the state, the taboos, the conformity , main stream culture and views, all these forces which occlude difference and limit individual freedom. It's not hyperbolic when I say that you are the first Mauritanian to my knowledge who matched words with deeds, and asked us to speak against tyranny after you have taken the lead yourself. Thanks.

This is between us :I don't believe in "Zyaratt el Kubur", but I'll keep visiting the blog as I used to do at the same timing. Something tells me that the others will follow suit, sure.

My final words fall far short of conveying my deep sense of gratitude to the service you've done and I'm sure you'll continue to do in your own way to our country and yours. Honestly we're a nation without symbols, living or dead, who can be witnesses to our achievements as a nation and a people. Our memory has always been short and didn't keep a record of the people who truly served us without expecting anything in return. I hope that this time around we'll succeed to immortalize you somehow. I know that statues won't be accepted but we can still give your name to a magazine, a journal or a wide circulating intellectual edition of some sort.

As for me, you'll be my Ould Mseika forever.

Hope you get married and settle down , it's about time (lol)

mom

Campaigning the Mauritanian Way and Plus

2007-03-05T08:41:00.000-08:00

One of the few surprises in this dull and seamless campaign is that you have to bear it to the end. Ten days have gone by and we're still in the dark about who is leading the show or who is losing. In other parts of the world, mechanisms like polls, tv debates, among others help voters make their minds about candidates at an early stage. From day one, people are provided with information about where candidates stand, their ranking and approval ratings. None of this is likely to be seen in our version of electoral campaigning. Instead Mauritanians have to wait until they cast their ballots to be able to make sense of it all. It's a case of bear it or leave it. it's maddening to see that we're losing the whole point about the campaign despite all the talk about reform and change in the country. The 19 male candidates look very much at ease with the way the campaign is conducted, there's in fact no reason why they shouldn't since it costs them little else than putting up smiley faces and calm and confident postures when taking poses. Their motorcades are roaming the country and are met with shouts of joy and cheers wherever they go. When we loose serious debate to entertainment we expect to find unknowns like Rashid Mustafa flying the skies of the country and competing for presidency. The guy flies in his own jet and drives a brand-new black BMW and thinks he gets therefore everything it takes to rule our country.

Worse, the so-called serious contenders are doing nothing to stop this careless mentality of anything goes. They're in fact contributing to it. We have seen how their view of the campaign is tantamount to organizing meetings, featuring in tv time slots, touring the country and crafting wild progrmmes which no sound mind can take onboard. How far do their message get across is not the type of question they bother to ask. Immoral as it is, this across-the-board political conduct explains the campaign's lack of substance and the collective focus on the show part. One of the candidates is taking Dimi mint Abba along with him and when he goes to the podium to speak he makes sure she is there before him. His idea is that Dimi would attract curious onlookers to his meeting. The show is the bottom line.

This style of campaigning cuts deep into the political tradition of the country which is largely shaped by the current system of anarchy dating back to Taya's rule. What's the difference, say, between AOD's or Massoud's campaign and Taya's non-stop carnival-like tours nationwide. Same to me. It's mind-boggling, above anything else, to see that everybody is at home with this campaign. It makes sense to have drawbacks, failures and shortcomings but it equally defies it to have no one speaking against them.

Under these circumstances, the candidates who are most likely to suffer are those who are going about it the modern way. It takes a modern political culture to have politicians with modern vision in power. For the time being, nothing of the sort is going to happen, unfortunately. We have to wait still, my fear it will be like wating for Godot!

Political updates:

AOD is growing to like Ely and the CMJD at a time his archrival Sidioca is marking his space from both. Curious, isn't it? Yes its true, Ahmed Ould Dadah is leaning toward the camp of power, more so that he can't keep it in secret anymore. The problem is that he insists on saying it publicly in meetings, press conferences and lately in front of his supports in "Qaser Almutamaratt". Why? Certainly Ely has no interest in a public love affair with anyone, male or female. He wants to stay away from the ups and downs of the political life and subsequently won't welcome anyone pulling him back into it, least of all AOD. It is thus an unreturned love story. Maybe Ahmed is betting on its being returned one day, 11 March for example. On the other hand, Sidioca has gone lately out of his way in his relation with Ely. During his tour in the south, Sidioca may have found himself lost half way through his speeches many times, but never ever did he forgot for a second to deny having any relationship with the CMJD. Maybe he was acting on the CMJD's advice (lol). Both have interests in selling the lie.

Haidala, the Devout Contender!

2007-02-27T10:52:00.000-08:00

Instead of focusing on the likely front-runners I chose to follow over the last week the campaign of Ould Haidala. This may sound strange at first sight and I know some of you may start booing "what the heck are you talking about"? Right, I have my reasons. First I had some curiosity that I wanted to explore and second I think I owe you to report on the purportedly "second rate" hopefuls. My curiosity rests on what would prompt someone like Haidla, who stands almost no chance of winning, to hurl his family, friends and a handful of other supporters into the uncertainties of the presidential race? To be fair, Haidala is not alone in this misadventure as the whim of snatching the top post seems to carry many others along with him. I'm reminded in this regard of the time when everyone out on the street used to hold a dream of becoming a minister in Taya's cabinet, that was because the post meant almost nothing then and Taya's constant reshuffling of his ministers only reinforced that perception. Does it mean that hopes of becoming a president now are fed by the fact that the post is now vacant and the rush to fill it has no solid political or democratic grounding? I'm inclined to believe that the post is vacant but not a "gazra" and wish to give Haidala the benefit of the doubt. Go ahead Haidala, this is your hearing, proceed with your defense:

- I ran the country for four years during which I established social harmony and cohesion between the different components of our society. National unity was my major concern and over the four years of my rule all got along well with each other. I knew how to deal with the racial antagonism which threatened our national stability during the time of Mukhtar Ould Dadah and that had rocked us very hard later in 1989 during the rule of "elli ma yusamma".

- I'm a devout religious man and will do everything to restore good governance and the rule of law. I implemented the rule of Sharia, don't you recall?

- I'll encourage voluntary work on a national scale and restore the bond between citizens and the state. I had implemented "Elhayakel", don't you recall?
- I stood up to Taya and went to prison for leading the opposition to certain victory. I'm the only living Mauritanian president who has a history in the opposition, don't you recall?

- My opponents accuse me of being unable to parent my children to maturity, I can still send them to "el badya" and have everybody shut up, don't you recall?

The judges are not persuaded of Haidal's qualifications of course, and for us we have to wait until 11 march to hear the verdict. Now we can examine this breakdown to see what Haidala is trying to sell.

First I want to make it clear that I'm not impressed by Haidala's history which is to say "no way I'm going to rally behind you" (lol). This avowal being made, I feel so much relief to set the genie of your past free again. The talk about national unity seems to be a trend among the candidates and while those who haven't been in power can't be held responsible for its lack, our former presidents are denied that luxury. Haidala speaking about reconciliation and national unity is like Taya visiting "Fasala" and asking people to take the advantage of the new technology and the internet in particular (lol). Lumrabott Ould Sidi Mahumud will soon discover Taya's lack of touch with reality and send him on another Don Quichotte-like adventure- Al Kitabb. The bottom line in these cases being mere hype. Haidla would be remembered for his tight grip on power which was marked by exclusion rather than any form of national inclusion. During those dark years, the country went through one of its worst and most divisive moments and was really set on powder keg, ready to explode at anytime. I can still remember the police state the country turned to be and the way fathers suspected their children of spying and vica versa. Protests and riots were a common sight in NKKT and prisons were filled with human right activists, politicians, students and trade- unionists. At the same time Haidala was implementing his Stalin-like system of Hayakel, which he borrowed from Libyan leader Kaddafi, he was whitewashing the crimes committed by his police and security services against innocent civilians by rebranding himself as the advocate of Sharia Law. Why Hayake and Sahria? Perhaps it never occurred to us to ask this question or make the comparison. In fact, police crimes were sending the country into chaos and mayhem, forcing common forms of political resistance in trade unions, the university and High schools to go underground. And instead of overt opposition, large sectors of the political class chose to work secretly making it more and more difficult for the regime to gather intelligence. Here come the need for Hayake, which was a kind of Big Brother Watching you system. It penetrates in the neighborhoods, schools, families and set panic everywhere as the regime went along its stubborn course to do anything to rein in its opponents.

This was about political life during those four years of absolute dictatorship, now what about Sharia and the devout Haidala, a nickname he seems to like very much? The answer to this question is not very far to seek for we're not talking about Umar Ibn Abdel Aziz, the famous Umayyad Khalifat, but about a military officer who usurped power and was toppled by another high raking military officer who in turn usurped power, evidently. Shira was just a cover up. By instituting Sharia Law, Haidala was selling himself to the general public while having a free hand to kill, torture and imprison his opponents. In fact it didn't cost a lot to cut few hands and carry out few hangings since it meant Haidala can fashion political gallows as he pleases for the secret opposition and have the net close in on it. With credible scholars, "ulammaa" and widely popular musicians "iguaoune" on his side, Haidla can boast of firesure propaganda to portray himself in these terms "Haydala kiff arrajala".

I don't assume Haidal is that naïve to expect us for a second to take him seriously about his turning the economy around and improving public services. My memories of NKTT then while still a student at "college de Garcon", were of a small village with one unique restaurant. I'm not sure you remember "Sindibad" which was next to "Marssat Capital" and adjacent to "Gralicomment", now Islamic Library. Sindibad was the only decent place to go then and we used to crowd it to be able to watch Rissala movie. That was long time ago, damn it. Well, there was also the popular donation fund which was appropriated by Haidala and Breika Ould M'barek. If this is what Haidala means by a prosperous economy and a thriving country, better not to give him a chance to try it again.

Now a look at the parties which form Haidal's camp doesn't help improve the overall picture. Ould Ebeid Rahman who's notoriously known nationwide for his "nasran Maawiya" is lunching himself as figure of reform. He failed to have any of his party's candidates in the last legislative polls win a seat in parliament. In Nouadhibou, it was the good reputation of Kassem Ould Bellal which made the difference before a scheme put Fadel in the mayor position.

The story would have been different had Nancy given her back-ing to Haidala (lol)

mom

Failure, Big Failure!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

2007-02-26T06:12:00.000-08:00

I just received a call from the guy in charge of Hanana's media campaign, apologizing for the debate and offering another date. He cited something like Hanana was busy and talk like that. Guys I did everything to secure this debate even if it meant starting with Hanana, but it didn't turn as we wished. I can't tell why someone who is running for presidency could refuse an opportunity like this one, but, well, we've got to undergo it to believe it. One thing is sure, this is not a good way to the top post, Hanana!

mom

لقاء حي مع السيد الرئيس والمرشح صالح ولد حننا

2007-02-26T00:56:00.000-08:00

في سابقة هي الأولى من نوعها تتشرف المدونة باستضافة سيادة الرئيس والمرشح صالح ولد حننا في لقاء حي للإجابة على أسئلة واستشكالات مجتمع المدونات في البلاد وخارجها. وقد قبل فخامة الرئيس مشكورا دعوتنا لإنارة الرأي العام الوطني حول أهم القضايا التي تتصدر سلم أولوياته.

سينطلق الحوار عند الساعة الواحدة والنصف بالتوقيت الموريتاني أي توقيت اغرينيتش وسيتواصل حتى الثانية تماما. ونرجو من المشاركين في اللقاء إثراء النقاش قصد استبيان البرنامج الانتخابي للمرشح والوقوف على تفاصيله عن طريق أسئلة واضحة مختصرة جدا قدر الإمكان.

محاور النقاش هي كالتالي:

- الخلفية السياسية للسيد الرئيس وعلاقته أو عدمها بالنظام السابق
- نضاله في الداخل والخارج (تلك الفترة مالها وما عليها)
- حاتم وفرسان التغيير أي من التنظيمين كتبت له الحياة ولما ذا الانسحابات في صفوف رفاق الرئيس القدامى
- المسألة الإسلامية
- العلاقات مع إسرائيل
- ملفات حقوق الإنسان والأقليات الإفريقية
- البرنامج المدني للرئيس

ونرجو أن تكون هذه هي الحلقة الأولى ضمن سلسلة من اللقاءات ننظمها مع أبرز المرشحين للرئاسة وغيرهم من صناع الرأي في البلاد

عذرا، خيار التعليقات سيبقى معلقا حتى ثوان قبل الحوار ومن يود التعليق قبل ذلك فعليه الدخول إلى القصة (المدونة) السابقة

mom

A New Road Map For Political Practice In The Country

2007-02-20T23:08:00.000-08:00

The menu today is not like anything you've ever seen. In the last blog about Sidioca I hinted to the existence of a plan to change the political scene in the country. If you remember, I said something like seven years from now are enough to bring a new elite to the forefront and get rid of the current one. Yes, it turns out that the forecast is true.

The cabinet has issued a new law charting a road map for the opposition. Putting the house of the opposition in order includes in addition to a new fat pay and fancy accommodation, setting restrictions and boundaries that would be regarded as a new legal frame of reference binding for the opposition.

As I can tell from the new law, it has some good points but it needs a lot of maturity from both the government and the opposition to stick to it and not just use it to harass and blackmail one's political rivals.

mom

Here's the statement in Arabic

الجمهورية الإسلامية الموريتانية
رئاسة المجلس العسكري للعدالة والديمقراطية
مشروع الأمر القانوني رقم---المتضمن نظام المعارضة
20-02-2007

الفصل الأول أحكام عامة

المادة الأولى: يهدف هذا الأمر القانوني إلى وضع نظام قانوني للمعارضة السياسية من أجل ترسيخ وتوطيد الديمقراطية، التعددية وتشجيع مشاركة جميع القوى السياسية في عملية البناء الوطنية.

يهدف المشروع إلى احتواء الحوار السياسي ضمن حدود الشرعية والاحترام المتبادل وضمان التناوب السلمي على السلطة.

المادة 2 تعترف الدولة أن الخيارات السياسية مسألة شخصية بحتة

المادة 3 حقوق المعارضة مضمونة وغير قابلة للتصرف.

المادة 4 لا يجوز إقصاء أي مواطن يتمتع بحقوقه المدنية والسياسية بسبب انتمائه لتشكيلة سياسية معارضة.

المادة 5 تتحدد المعارضة السياسية كتشكلة أو مجموعة مختلفة عن التشكيلات أو ائتلاف التشكيلات السياسية، الداعمة للعمل الحكومي.يمكن للمعارضة أن تكون برلمانية أو خارج إطار البرلمان يعين زعيم المعارضة من طرف التشكيلات المكونة للمعارضة يتمتع زعيم المعارضة بامتيازات تشريفية، ومادية تحدد بموجب مرسوم.

المادة 6 تمتع الكتل البرلمانية المعارضة من أجل سير عملها بذات الامتيازات المالية التي تتمتع بها كتل الأغلبية البرلمانية.

الفصل الثاني:الحقوق والواجبات والضمانات:

المادة 7 يعترف لكل تشكلة سياسية بالحق في المعارضة، كما يمكن لأي تشكلة معارضة اختيار المشاركة في مسؤولية الحكومة، حيث تتنازل في تلك الحالة عن صفتها المعارضة.

المادة 8 يمكن للتشكيلات السياسية المعارضة أن تكون تكتلا موحدا من أجل تنسيق نشاطها، لكن لا يمكن لأي تشكيلة أن تنتمي إلى أكثر من كتلة واحدة.

المادة: 9 للمعارضة الحق في انتقاد العمل الحكومي بصفة موضوعية، وبناءة، وبشكل يرسخ المشروع الديمقراطي، والتقدم مع احترام القيم السامية للشعب الموريتاني يجب على المعارضة على وجه الخصوص تفادي كل نوع من التجريح والقذف بحق الشخصيات أيا كانت والذي ينتقد تصرفاتها وأفكارها،وفي هذا الإطار، تضمن للمعارضة حرية التعبير، والأمن ولا يقيدها سوى القانون واحترام كرامة المواطنين وحرمتهم الجسدية والمعنوية.

المادة 10 للمعارضة الحق في الإطلاع على جميع القضايا الهامة المتعلقة بالحياة الوطنية، ومن أجل ذلك يسهل لها حرية النفاذ إلى الأخبار من طرف الو زارات والإدارات العمومية في حدود النصوص المعمول بها عند الضرورة وبطلب من المعارضة أو مبادرة من السلطات، يمكن استقبال قادة التشكيلات السياسية المعارضة، من طرف رئيس الجمهورية، رئيس الجمعية الوطنية، رئيس مجلس الشيوخ، الوزير الأول، وزير الداخلية، والسلطات الإدارية والجهوية، والمحلية.

المادة 11: يستشير رئيس الجمهورية، عند الضرورة زعيم المعارضة حول المشاكل الوطنية، والمسائل المتعلقة بالحياة الوطنية، وبموجب ذلك يجب، برمجة لقاء دوري، كل ثلاثة أشهر على الأقل.

المادة 12 تتمتع التشكيلات السياسية المعارضة بحق التمثيل حسب حجمها الانتخابي ، داخل الهيئات أو المؤسسات التي تشارك فيها تضمن النصوص المسيرة لتلك الهيئات أو المؤسسات، وخاصة أنظمتها الأساسية، والداخلية ذلك الحق، عبر إجراءات عملية يمكن لممثلي المعارضة الاستفادة من امتيازات مادية، أو معنوية، مرتبطة بالوظائف التي يشغلونها، في هذا الإطار.

المادة 13 تضمن تغطية نشاطات التشكيلات السياسية المعارضة من طرف وسائل الإعلام العمومي طبقا للقوانين المعمول بها تسهر هيئات التنظيم المختصة على احترام مبدإ الشمولية والمساواة بالنسبة لهذه التغطية.

المادة 14 يتمتع قادة التشكيلات السياسية، المعارضة مثل نظرائهم في الأغلبية بالامتيازات البروتوكولية والشرفية طبقا للنصوص المعمول بها.

المادة 15 فضلا عن أحكام الأمر القانوني المتعلق بالأحزاب السياسية، يجب على التشكيلات السياسية المعارضة أن تعمل أساسا على.

-احترام الدستور والمؤسسات.

-مجهود البناء الوطني.

-تنمية الفكر والثقافة الديمقراطية عند تكوين منتسبيها ومناصريها

-الثقافة الجمهورية عن طريق احترام قاعدة الأغلبية ومبدإ اللاعنف كوسيلة وحيدة للتعبير السياسي.

-المادة 16 تمارس التشكيلات السياسية المعارضة نشاطاتها السياسية والإعلامية، مع احترام النظم المعمول بها.

-المادة 17 يقدم زعيم المعارضة تقريرا سنويا حول تطبيق هذا الأمر القانوني، وتوصيات من شأنها تفعيله.

-يوجه التقرير إلى كل من رئيس الجمهورية، ورئيس الجمعية الوطنية، ومجلس الشيوخ ويتم نشره.

-الفصل الثالث:

-أحكام ختامية:

-المادة 18 عند الضرورة تحدد إجراءات هذا الأمر القانوني، بموجب مراسيم.

-المادة 19 بنشر هذا الأمر القانوني، الذي يلغي كافة الأحكام السابقة المخالفة في الجريدة الرسمية، ويطبق باعتباره قانونا للسلطة

Sidioca's Hopes Dashed Before The Race Underway

2007-02-19T13:35:00.000-08:00

When Sidioca first broke his silence about his plans to run for the top post few months ago, he made the step that threw everyone else's fortunes into doubt. By almost anyone's estimation, Sidioca is the only exit strategy the CMJD can put together in its desperate attempt to hold a middle ground between the strongly voiced remnants of the old regime and the anti-Taya opposition. He was a man who incurred the anger of Taya and fired by him out of the cabinet and yet preferred to shoulder his humiliation to break up with Taya's entourage. The trend then has it that the best way to have the favors of the regime is to keep the opposition card at hand to use at times of adversity. High ranking officials were all subjected to Taya's blackmailing but they developed an extraordinary survival skills like keeping backdoor channels with the opposition to pressurize Taya and counter any intentions of wrongdoing. This is why we have the tribal wisdom of securing a place with the government and another with the opposition to be able to use them if need be.

Sidioca was among the few who chose to do it the Oedipus way, leaving everything behind and embarking upon a world tour as a back packer (lol). It's precisely this mix of continuity and break and of being outside the ring of Taya and yet close to it that made him an excellent pick for the CMJD. We would be shortsighted to assume that the military junta would share a vision of Mauritania like the one defended by the opposition. It would equally be an oversimplification to think they came to power just to rehabilitate the status-quo and buy more time. Their plan is to appease both sides and keep them at bay while relying on time to effect a drastic change in the political landscape. As a far as this calculation goes, two years of the transition and five of Sidioca in power is a length of time enough to bring a new elite to forefront and do without the current one. But the worry that gripped the military from day one was that Sidioca may not be the winning card they thought him to be. As much they tried to rehabilitate him he continued his zero-gravity dive to the ground "huma yentruh elfug U Mulana yentru ettaht".

The support of the CMJD helped build a quick and across the board alliance that swept the municipal and legislative elections and looked ready to win by a landslide in the presidential contest. With money and power on his side, Sidioca could have picked himself up, dust himself off and went ahead to victory. Yet to do that he has to lead a bullish campaign and attract more supporters or at least preserve his edifice from falling apart. None of this was on Sidioca's mind, his strategy being "Ely will parent me to the helm of power". He almost did nothing to bolster his credibility, losing permanently to the opposition and ZZ, who is allegedly running on behalf of the old regime's cronies. Sedioca has made up to now only two public appearances, one in a press conference and the other in a visit to a small obscure village on the outskirts of Butilimitt. This happens at a time the presidential hopefuls are roaming the country, meeting dignitaries, holding alliances and sharing their views with the voters. He reminds me of a complacent Taya who in his last years was turning supporters away to join the opposition. Sidioca was acting like he has no stakes, or may be he thought the CMJD had toppled Taya to hand power over to him. Wake up Sidioca, we're not talking about the portfolio of fish ministry, it's the top post and you've got to fight for it. Whatever was running through Sidioca's mind it was not helping him to get back into the race. And the CMJD was quick to come to this frustrating conclusion.

This alone accounts for the cracks which start to emerge in the El Mithaq and the related talk about the CMJD's neutrality. Some were inclined to see that it's the beginning of a split within the CMJD itself between Ely and his powerful relative O. Abdel Aziz, and that Sidioca was caught in the middle. Nothing can be far from the truth. The two guys who masterminded the fall of Taya are not going to loose each other over Sidioca, but we always hope to see infighting tearing apart those who have power.

The truth of the matter is that Ely, faced with a defiant opposition and an ambitious ZZ, was running out of choices. He has to try to nurse Sidioca back into life and that will be like flogging a dead horse, a hopeless case. Or, turn his back to his promises of fairness and neutrality and undertake a new misadventure which will lead him nowhere. The third choice is the most reasonable even if it means letting Sidioca down in the middle of the road. It has to do with a negotiated deal with some key opposition leaders in return for the CMJD keeping its hands off the elections and abandoning Sidioca. It's in this light that the late series of meetings that Ely held with some of the prominent figures of the opposition and the subsequent collective and individual withdrawals from "Elmithaq" can make sense.

Sidioca, this is your lesson: silence and obedience are launching you as the biggest loser. Because of them you lost to Taya and now you're losing to the CMJD. Anybody else down the list "wasukutu ani el kalami al mubah" (lol).

mom

The Kidnapping of The Plane Ended With All Onboard Safe

2007-02-15T12:49:00.000-08:00

Thanks God, the kidnapping of the Mauritanian plane in Las Palmas ended peacefully and quickly. Reports confirm that Spanish authorities captured the kidnapper whose identity is yet to be revealed. No sources have claimed responsibility for the kidnapping and no information about the demands of the kidnapper now in detention.

The big question that remains unanswered and should be addressed from now on is the responsibility of NKTT airport's authorities. Is it possible that they would not be held accountable for negligence and improper security measures at the airport and aboard the plane. An investigation aimed at revealing the truth behind this tragedy should be started and must not stop until the criminals who allowed this to take place are arrested and brought to court. It must be made clear that we can't play with the life of innocent people. It's also time that "Air Mauritanie" pays back for the hundreds of lives which were lost because of its immunity from blame.

We'll be waiting to see what would be the reaction of the political parties, civil society and trade unions and all the other big names. If their demands fall short of asking for an investigation leading to the truth, then "inna lillahi wa inna ileihi rajioun".

We owe these innocent victims to allow their voice to be heard and keep their story on the headlines until justice is done. Nothing short of this will do.

Could you believe it, while we were all trying to get a sense of what was happening our national TV was airing a show anchored by Ould Nemine on Female Genital Mutilation.

I just learned that it’s the Mauritanian crew which neutralized and captured the kidnapper.

mom

Campaigning Around the Clock, Ahmed and Ely, Ould Mauloud and Ely

2007-02-14T15:44:00.000-08:00

It's secret to no one that the real presidential campaign is never the one officially announced and scheduled by the interior ministry, and fought off in the dimly lit tents set up nationwide for the occasion. Major politicians generally keep themselves busy planning their political ambitions all over the year. We often ask why the government and the opposition are caught in the same moral crisis of failing to deliver on the issues that top their agendas. The explanation is not very far to seek. It happens that both parties have no agendas other than how to be in power and are willing to go great lengths to make it happen. Once the election is over and a new government is named, the two sides embark upon the up-hill job of preparing for the next elections, an son on. They simply can't take their minds off it. Each side, in its own way, spends the entire year clinching deals, meeting social dignitaries and forming alliances to make sure that its passage to power will be smooth and guaranteed. When the official campaign kicks off it is always a time for fun and rest after a long year of hard work and long-awaited presidential polls ahead. It's a time-out for the political actors and a rare moment of celebration for women and children to cheer up and enjoy the boisterous nocturnal get- together. Generally by the time the official campaign had started, the contenders would have had a clear idea of where they fit in the pattern and the chances they stood in the race. This is why the parties which put more money in the show, buying more tents, having more pin-ups, more singers and so on, are the ones which by all forecasts- secret and public- will lead the race. Those who know their chances are slim usually keep a low profile presence.

The government uses carrot-and-stick style of campaigning, buying supporters with generous hand-outs, appointments and bribes and threatening severe punishment against individuals who turn down the tantalizing offers. In the opposition, things are a little different. Having nothing to give or to deny, party leaders in the opposition have to double the promises for everyone, everyone ready to listen or to join. While the government targets influential social and elite figures because it has state coffers on its disposal to foot the costly financial bill, the opposition targets whoever happens to be within its reach because it has only promises to table and has never been into power to do the pay back.

This political (mis)conduct has been in the making for a long time and is likely to continue through the transition and beyond. There's however a new change which is too important to be missed or to pass unnoticed. It is that the opposition is now fighting the campaign on the side of the government rather than opposing it. I am not talking about the national consensus which followed the fall of Taya and which all parties contributed to make and spared no occasion to tell us that they want to preserve. This is about individual initiatives with the intent to win the backing of the government. We're quite familiar with the government's plans to win some parties from the opposition to its side but the other way around is definitely a first.

I have in mind two incidents which took place over the week and which tell a lot about the grim outlook that lay ahead for us. Ahmed Ould Daddah was invited to the grey palace for a meeting with Ely Ould Mohamed Vall. The eye-to-eye meeting was held behind closed doors and nothing of it was leaked to the press or found its way to the public in any other way. I'm not going to dwell on the secrecy part. It is a second nature of our high profile talks to be kept away from the public, we're used to it. What's striking, though, is that it's the first time Ahmed was in the palace alone without his comrades in combat from the opposition. It's also the first time that he sat down with Ely after he launched his campaign, in Idini. The two men have high stakes in the upcoming elections and each has a lot to give to the other.

Ely is smart enough to understand he can't do two coups in the span of two years, one on Taya and another on the opposition. He is well placed to know that steering clear of the challenges of the aftermath of his coup on Taya requires having the opposition on board. Ely knows that to keep the demons of Taya in their underworld he has only one choice, and that is to make the transition a success and no way to do that without the opposition. Also, if Ely has any long-term plans to run for office, better for him to bank on the image of the savior who toppled Taya and handed power to an elected government than keep power for himself or set up a weak government by proxy. I'm not with view that Ely is so stupid to follow in the lead of the former dictator. For him, Ahmed is the right man at the right time to do this mission quite possible. So far this looks quite familiar. There's nothing strange in the government trying to use the opposition for its ends. But for the opposition to court the favors of the government instead of attacking it is the novelty. We expect candidates from the opposition to make good scores in elections by criticizing the record of the government, not by rallying behind it. Yet this is what Ahmed is exactly doing and it's not in vain. In fact, Ahmed has never been so out of shape in his long history in the opposition. Except for the brief break of political uncertainty which followed the ousting of Taya, Ahmed has been on a race down to the bottom. It's no secret that he has lost his support among the Negro-African communities for number of parties, including his rival enemy PRDS and his rival friend Ould Mauloud, attracted "Rumuz ALfasad" and lost them, and to compound it all there emerged Ould Hananna to take way the Reformists. With Massud, there is no love lost. Ahmed is on a daily political diet constantly losing more weight to friends and foes alike, reason why he failed to rally the opposition under his leadership.

With this miserable score Ahmed went to meet Ely alone in the palace. And make no mistakes, his aim was not to have the hands of Ely off the political process but quite the contrary, to get him more involved but on his side. We have to wait to find out whether Ely is ready to go that far. But as we can tell from Ely's plans he certainly doesn't have any interest in making a Sidioca out of Ahmed. He wants a strong Ahmed in the opposition, to allow a smooth transition, but not in the leadership of the country. Period. Ahmed, did you learn your lesson? Apparently, the answer is no.

The other incident in this "anti-campaign" by the opposition is the funny news that Ould Mauloud was the guest of Ely Cheikh Ould Mama. It's becoming a trend for the opposition leaders to be fond of people who have "Ely as a first name". I don't know why, but Ould Maulould on the dinner table of Ely Cheikh is not something that you're likely to see everyday. What a mix: a revolutionary with Marxist credentials with a Sufi Cheikh. What do you make of this? I'm completely in the dark.

It's sad that we can no longer tell who is who and which is which in our political landscape. But one thing is sure that the opposition is becoming more and more like a toothless talking shop.

mom

19 Candidates For One Post, A Likely Fierce Fight.

2007-02-07T07:49:00.000-08:00

Within a month from now, eligible Mauritanian voters will be choosing from a long list of 19 candidates who will run the country for the next five years. There is a luxury of choice, definitely. At the same time, voters will have troubles making their minds about the picks. After all, and irrespective of the standard of selection, there will always be two or more contenders who meet each voter's idea of the would-be next president, so much so that it would throw some into confusion. Just think what would happen if, by our mainstream undemocratic standards, you are called to choose between two candidates who are your relatives, from your region or simply paid you the same sums of money. Difficult and confusing choice, isn't it? As you see, more candidates means more chances to do a good bargain but also more second thoughts and procrastination.(lol)

Now, who to choose and why? The political landscape in its current shape is divided into three alliances: Mithaq, CFCD and the new-born Heidala camp The fabric of each of these alliances is so loose and fragile that it could crumble at any time and the parties which form it share very little else than temporary and tactical political ambitions. We're still a long way from strategic alliances based on common vision and shared civil programs, so much so that the current political formations can be mixed, reshuffled, exchanged and intermingled without any significant impact on the main political players who count for their popular support on sources other than party programs. This is why it's difficult to tell who is in the opposition and who is not, and whether terms like opposition and ruling majority really apply to our context. In the absence of clear and binding political programs, people move easily from the opposition to rally behind the government and back. It's never been an issue in Mauritanian politics.

You may rightly say this is a long restatement of the obvious. OK, but it's useful to put things in perspective before we can come to a view of the different contenders and how they rank. To play by the book, contenders who stand no chance for winning are not worth their time. So let's start by eliminating:

M. Ahmed O. Bab Ahmed Ould Salhi; Mulay Elhassan O. Jeid; Isalmu O. Mustafa; Muhamed O. Sheikhna; M.O.M.Elmukhtar O. Tumi; Rashid Mustafa; Ba Mamadu Alassan; M. O. Gulam O. Sidati; Sidi O. Muhamed Ahid; Outhman O. Abu Elmaali; Ibrahima Sarr; Dahan O. Ahmed Mahmud.

The following are the candidates who are in the running because they have plans to win and most important have enough backing, if not to make it happen, at least to make a strong try.

Ahmed Ould Daddah
Sidi Ould Cheikh Abdellahi
Messud Ould Bulkhair
Zein Ould Zeidan
Saleh Ould Hananah
Mohamed Ould Mauloud
Ould Haidala

Ahmed Ould Daddah stands out among his rivals as the only candidate who has enough experience in the business to make it to the palace. He has been around right from the start of the political process back in the early nineties and had stood for the top post twice as the leader of the opposition. With the exception of few other political figures, Ahmed is credited for refusing to bow to twenty one years of Taya's blackmailing, setting a good example of what should be a principled opposition. It would be unfair, to say the least, to overlook the heavy price he paid to stand up to Taya's ruthless rule. It's enough to remember that he went to prison, suffered financial embargo and was sidelined by the system for two decades. That's to my knowledge is a heavy bill for a third world politician to foot. I was about to make a breakdown of Ahmed's academic and professional qualifications but remembered that it has little or no impact on where voters think he is. So skip it.

Above anything else, Ahmed may be remembered for being the only candidate who has enough cross-community credibility to win over Arab and Negro-African voters to his side. This alone is enough to make of him a heavy weight contender able to rally a united nation behind him if he is voted into office. An experienced, qualified and unifying figure, Ahmed stands a real chance to fight his way to the helm of power in the next elections.

Yet Ahmed's strength bears the seeds of his weakness. Most would argue that he is the candidate for failure since he was evicted twice from the race and there's every reason he'll be kicked out this time. To compound his misery, what is championed as Ahmed's steadfast opposition can be viewed as a lack of political vision and flexibility to initiate a dialogue with the government and spare the opposition twenty one years of political dead end and inaction. Also, some feel he has committed enough mistakes in his long history as a public figure to be able to revive his fortunes. To cut a long story short, he has overstayed his welcome.

There is no doubt that Ahmed Ould Daddah is the most controversial candidate. He is simultaneously viewed as a blessing and a curse, a unifying and divisive figure and a regionalist and internationalist. Like all leading politicians, Ahmed will be aggressively fighting his last battle in Mauritanian politics. If he fails there will be no next time. If he makes it, it will be a logical and decent farewell to the "Last of the Daddahs".

Masud Ould Bulkhier, a second controversial contender most known for his radical views about slavery in the country. A Haratin human rights activist Massud, the second heavyweight in the CFCD, will be staking his future leadership of the country on a well-mobilized and politically conscious Haratin community. Massud will be selling himself as a breakaway rebel who has a tumultuous history of resisting conformity and status-quo. And while his appeal will be limited to urban segments of the Haratins, his uncompromising stand on state corruption and outdated residues of the traditional tribal system will find positive echoes among Arab youth fed up with a dysfunctioning state and looking forward for a break with the past. Like Ahmed, Massud has achieved a good score in the last legislative and municipal polls and is a challenging and fascinating favorite to follow all the way through.

To me, Massud is very much like the Lebanese Shia leader, Hassan Nassar Allah. Each is a vocal voice of opposition and a leader of a community with a long history of marginalization and persecution. Both enjoy a good deal of support among youth outside their communities. But as much as Nassar Allah is likely to be always seen as shia leader so would be the future of Massud, the leader of the Haratins. Not yet, Massud.

Ould Hanannah is inspiring and charismatic. An ousted army lieutenant, he succeeded to mastermind the first real challenge to Taya's rule, exploding his way to the palace on the back of a military tank. Though thwarted two days after complete control over the palace and other sensitive and sovereign state sites, Hannanna military adventure shook Taya's regime from its roots for good. In a further show of bravery and commitment, he formed "Fursan Taqiir"- the Knights of Change- and kept the heat on Taya until his capture and final imprisonment.
Apart from his ardent Arab nationalism and ideological fervor, Hnannah is scoring points all the way long and his popularity is on the increase. The news are breaking now that "Islaheen" –Reformists- have announced their support for him.

It remains to be said, though, that Hanannah's chances will be negatively affected by his lack of credibility among the Negro-African community and other large segments of the national elite who don't trust his political maturity to lead the country. Few will be ready to rally behind someone who puts ideology ahead of politics and national interests.

On his own, Sedioca would have fought his way without any trouble. Like anyone else, he has a long history in national politics and has assumed administrative responsibilities as high as the portfolio of a minister. This alone would have set him on equal footing with his rivals. Yet Sedioca choose to seek the favor of the CMJD and corrupt ruling political and financial classes instead of appealing to the larger public. No wonder then, that from day one he was seen in the political scenes as a trouble maker, triggering more discontent than consensus wherever he goes.

Although he will be a figure of continuity, Sedioca is a strong favorite who enjoys enough political, financial and tribal support to lead the polls at least in the first round. Honestly, five years of him in office is unbearable.

Ould Mauloud, Zeidan and Heidala will be there to feed on the mistakes of the others.

mom

The Political Players Are Up To A New Make-Up

2007-02-02T08:08:00.000-08:00

When Ely gets his fiery temper it is the opposition (CFCD) which pays the price, When he is back to his senses his allies go through hard times. Such is the strange political wisdom that we drew from the public fall out which marked last week's heated political backs and forths. Ely caught everybody by surprise when he announced his tailor-made winning formula for the next elections wrecking the hopes of the opposition even before the race is underway. His angry message to the CFCD was something like "not in your wild dreams". Two days later he tried to set it right and correct the reckless political blunder, and announced his plans not to take sides or meddle with the political process. But this backpedaling took with one hand what it gave with another and while it sent reassuring signals to the opposition it alienated Ely's presumed friends, namely Sedioca who is widely tipped to be his favorite candidate. The veteran from Brakna has up to this point banked on Ely's intervention and backing to sneak his way to the palace and would welcome anything but a change of heart to the good that may lead Ely and the CMJD behind him to get their hands off the political contest. He is aware that a sound-minded Ely will not be on his side.

Now that both parties lost hope of leading the vote by playing a lame duck kind of attitude, they started a strong come back taking matters in their own hands, each his way. The opposition which was the first to receive hits from Ely was quick to denounce his move to hijack the election. It went even further than that by calling for a popular meeting in a rare unprecedented show of force meant to remind the CMJD of the stakes involved if it persists down that road. The CFCD's strong-worded massage soon paid off, forcing Ely to back down on his threat to consider the neutral ballots. What is remarkable in this show-down is not only that the opposition came out victorious, confident and speaking with a one voice but also that the CMJD proved weaker than expected. We ended up with an opposition united around a single goal and able to pick itself off the ground and a toothless ruling military body unable to go ahead with its familiar all-or-nothing style.

On the other hand, the story of Sedioca is making the headlines on the leading national newspapers. Until this point in the electoral run up, Sedioca has staked his future leadership of the country on president Ely's backing. He kept a low profile presence, preferring behind-the scenes lobbying to the risks involved in going public and talking to the media. Not anymore. Sedioca is now on a mission to remake himself and is set to demark himself from the CMJD. In his press conference three days ago, he kick started his mission by crossing the first of the red lines set by Ely, i.e. relations with Israel. And without going as far as demanding cutting those relations, he said in that it's up to Mauritanian people and not the government to keep or to cut ties with Israel. What is new in this development is that we're now facing a Sedioca who is ready to do without the CMJD, and embark on a rebranding course on his own. All the best Sedioca.

Is this new political realignments indicative of new era in Mauritanian politics, where the contenders stake their hopes of winning on public support instead of that of the government? Still early to hazard a guess. But with the CMJD apparently taking a hands-off attitude and content with the backseat, the major players are now aware that they have to shoulder the burden by themselves. A challenge which Sedioca and his discontents can't meet unless they are ready to throw themselves, heart and soul, into the electoral campaign, without appealing to or antagonizing the military. Period.

mom

Let's Go Political!

2007-01-28T11:23:00.000-08:00

Is the CMJD taking a new political gamble that may derail the political process? If yes, how huge is it? What's Ely up to when he shouted out his anger in the face of everybody? And why the spokesperson of the CMJD broke his silence now?

The key to answering all these sticky questions is the timing of the President's controversial address. With less than two months to go before next presidential polls, Ely wanted to get his message across the board to all political players. It is that the governing military body is a power to be reckoned with and that its days are not over yet. In fact Ely had never missed the opportunity to remind the public that power is his, he got it and can preserve it. Although he never went as far as to backtrack on his promises to a peaceful handover of power to an elected government. The CMJD and its spokesman are caught in the dilemma of looking strong and relevant while being at the same time intent on winning the hearts and minds of an angry and skeptical political class. The record of the CMJD doesn't point to much success in this regard. Worse, the general mood on the ground is not on its side, which explains why soon after the warm and sincere welcome the CMJD received right after the coup it started receiving big hits. The last hit was in the form of rumors about plans to stage public rallies asking Ely to stand in next polls. This rumor came hot at the heels of another one about the CMJD's plans to back Sedioca and thus set a cabinet by proxy in power. Never mind their credibility, these rumors speak of a trust crisis between the military and the political class, a crisis that neither is willing to address in a serious manner.

If our recent history has anything to teach us, it is that we have to maintain a minimum level of trust between the government and the opposition. Twenty one years of Taya's rule kept the country perched on the brink of chaos precisely because of mistrust and absence of dialogue between the contenders of power. It costs us two coups to overthrow Taya and bring the country back on the track of reconciliation and trust. Now, the CMJD and the opposition have started the trade of accusations and this ugly tit-for-tat may be costly on the long run.

The president's address didn't do anything to solve the political stand off, rather it fueled more suspicion of plans to stay in power. Flexing the muscles on both sides of the political divide will only escalate the situation and very likely, if it lasts until 11 March, will jeopardize the upcoming elections. Until now, the two parties seem adamant in hitting at each other, mindless of the national stakes involved in their political behavior.

One thing is sure. It is that Ely can not go back on his promises, simply because it's not up to him. It is equally sure that an escalation by the opposition would not help a smooth transition and its aftermath. The two parties have to step out of their complacency and start trust building measures to spare us the trouble of political uncertainties. This is the most secure way out.

mom

NKTT, The Sprawling Wasteland

2007-01-24T19:35:00.000-08:00

I am getting mad. Literally. I can't stop thinking that well into the digital age we still have to struggle with living in a mega garbage dump, misleadingly called our capital city. Nouakchott is a funny linguistic anachronism and a city apart by modern standards. If you take the pains of touring the country trying to find someone to tell you what "Nouakchott" means, you will, to your great disappointment and dismay, find out that no one knows. It's a name without a referent, just to begin with. But in a deeply conservative culture like ours, names tell about people and their characters, the same way that language in general has the power to give life or take it away. It still matters back home whether someone "daa lek" or "daa aleik" at breakfast, meaning whether he curses you or prays God for your good. Whatever happens to you all that day long will be the outcome of the kind of words uttered at breakfast, we persist to think. It follows, and rightly so, that Nouakchott is a city without a name and consequently without a life.

What would you make of a coastal city without tourist resorts or distraction facilities? What would you make of a core urban magnet that alienates and excludes its dwellers more than it includes and accommodates them? A quick and short tour will give everybody a sense of the recipe of failure that we call NKTT. Dull scenes of shanty impoverished areas accompany you all the way long, irrespective of where you're heading. Endless sea of rubbish-strewn shacks flood the horizons on both sides of the road, and if you are so unfortunate to let go with the main road you will be lost to the human misery ahead of you. The same inadequate living conditions leave you with the impression that you're in the middle of a hostile mega slum that keeps expanding as you drive along. Regardless of where go, to Ryad, Toujounin, Dar Annaim, Tayaret or any other district, it's the same sight of urban degradation, of people of all ages and sexes crammed into crowded squalid areas that look like make-shift camps of the kind we see in tsunami-hit regions in southeast Asia. I'm not talking here about the quality of life and the poor management of the urban space by the authorities, that's another story. Only insiders and city dwellers know and experience the full drama of that story. What I have in mind is the sheer feeling of helplessness and loss you share with the people who inhabit these shanties and who are left to apparent chaos and lawlessness. For you to weigh the devastating impact of this life, you have to experience it firsthand. To take my words for truth, you need only to drive overnight in Bouhdida or let say in any another place in the southern and southwestern poverty belt, extending from Dar-Elbarka to Ryad. The feel would be something like you're thrown into the abyss of hell.

This doesn't mean that districts like Capital or Tafragh Zeina or Ksar are in any way different from the rest of the city. To me, each villa or palace is a big prison, where the inmates can not venture out. If you can bring yourself to forget for a moment the luxurious comfort inside these villas, you will certainly agree with me that city life outside is no more different. Same windy sand roads, no public places, no health clubs, no public green places; in short, no city life. It's may be a paradox that Nouakchott is good at nothing except that its hostile to all, rich and poor. The haves and the have-nots can live in different houses but they still share the same sprawling slum. I hope that the shocking poverty of some districts would not make you lose sight of the broader picture. Poverty is bad but its existence did not stop booming cites around the word from seeing daylight. At no time in the year is this truth more visible than during fall time when the dusty streets of NKTT turn into torrential mud-rivers carrying cholera and a host of other diseases . In the downpour, the city turns into a huge swamp unfit for life for the poor and the rich alike, actually forcing them to flee for the countryside where they are reduced to nomadic and rural life.

And yet we can not speak of Nouakchott without shining a light on the poor who in their thousands were the most scarred by life in this unwelcoming city. These are the ex-peasants and herdsmen who were carrot-and sticked into fleeing the countryside for Nouakchott. It's they who bore the brunt of the city's violent history. I'm referring again to those who lived in the squatters, illegal shanties that were accurately called "kebba" or "Gazra". Not only they were denied the right to clean drinking water, electricity and flush toilets but also were coerced and displaced by the state. You remember how the police demolished thousands of shanties who were the dwellers of "Kebba and Gazra" and bulldozed very thing to the ground. This "tsunami-like" horror was not a necessary sacrifice to remodel the city on some other prosperous international capitals. The plan was not to construct multi-story buildings, businesses, offices and malls. It was to sell their lands to bunch of influential rich. These people owe us to keep the memory of their displacement and dignity alive. Even though the state gave them legal status, it left them to start their lives from scratch in what would become Riyad, Arafatt, etc. These are the most suffering of NKTT dwellers who struggle everyday to make ends meet.

You may allege that I'm blowing things out of proportion abit, that it's still too early to pass a judgment on Nouakchott, which is now only forty eight year old. All this would have sounded Ok to me had we been in the middle ages and still needed pioneering technological breakthroughs to develop hi-tech boom cities. Unfortunately, this is no longer the case. We're now in the postindustrial era where we can make hypercities rise from the ground up in less than a month, provided we have the political will and the financial resources. By contemporary standards, forty eight year old cities worldwide are prosperous urban spaces which have come of age financially, institutionally and in terms of infrastructure.

The dark cloud which hung for decades over the lives of NKTT residents may be easing now. We've heard that President Ely is drafting plans to build a new city center with modern standards and rumors are fast-circulating that a new international airport will be alive and kicking soon. Just imagine how would our down town look like, had each of our previous presidents built one and only one high-rise building. We would now boast of a different "CAPITAL".

I leave you on this note.

mom

A Step To Make To Kick Start Things

2007-01-21T05:01:00.000-08:00

Where I live, it's not likely to catch sight of people warmly shaking hands when they exchange their morning hello and rush their ways. Such sights are a rarity, and if you're lucky enough to witness one make sure to have it recorded on your video camera. The next day the same luck won't be in store for you. An explanation that comes to mind for this weird habit is that people are too busy to have any time to spare on social formalities. Yet in spite of their hardworking nature and their strict ethics of work, people here are mindful of manners and social decorum. You don’t need to shake hands and bow in respect to your boss to move up in your job. The same way you don't need to go through that painful ritual to win the favor of a girl friend. And, to my mind, if you can secure a stable income and a warm bed you will never feel under pressure to do anything against your will. (lol). Guaranteed. Take my word for it. So, what has gone wrong? Why diligent and caring people fail what is for us, Mauritanians, a basic test of hospitality and openness? The answer lies in some other more subtle layers of this complex Western self. It has to do with their individuality and the network of attitudes that follow from it. But without going down that philosophical road, I would said that these people don't associate on a random basis. I mean, it's not because we crossed each other around some street corner or sat down in the same down-town coffee that we have to be friends and exchange stories and family photos. In the West, it doesn't work that way. People don't associate with foreigners but with those with whom they have something in common. Doctors hold the company of doctors, policemen with their work colleagues, lawyers with lawyers, and prostitutes with their kind. Any mix would be explosive and doomed. These professional categories are worlds apart and if they intermingle "Inna lillahi wa inna ileihi rajioun" (lol). The point is that individuals are dedicated to what they chose to do in life, and dedication means devoting time and energy to one's plans. If it happens that you find a doctor who is involved with some law enforcement business, have worries that something wrong is going on, and so on. Go and call the law enforcements, don't call the hospital services (lol). In the West these professional communities have taken the place of traditional categories like tribe, ethnitcity, region, gender, etc. You don't introduce yourself as John from the Vikings, or Jane from the Celts, and so on. Instead you are known for what you do not for what your ancestors did, and by the same token you move up or down in society according your success of failure in what you do. We call this social mobility. About time to see how the story unfolds on the other side of the Atlantic, at home, in Mauritania.

I'm not going to spend more time telling you how and why we shake hands. Yet, it'll do good to endure the embarrassment of failing your expectations. We shake hands, because we don’t know why. To us, it's just because it's the right thing to do. If you don't share this abrupt conclusion go and organize your own polls. The result would be 50 percent of thinking Mauritanians never thought about the question, and the remaining fifty percent find it too obvious to ponder. So we don't know why. I have to retrieve some scenarios from the day to day life in order to refresh your memories and help you fathom out the gravity of the issue before you make up your minds. It's commonplace in the National Hospital to see a patient being rushed to the emergency department while the doctor on shift is busy performing some handshaking at the far end of the passageway. Shocking as it is, the doctor will observe social manners, mindless of his professional duty. The social voice inside him is capable of suppressing and silencing that of the doctor, never mind the cost is the life of his patient. Out in the street where you are spared the trouble of looking too far to find another example. At the nearest roundabout, you will find a heavy-bearded, tall and flyweight policeman grapping someone else's hands with his own. The traffic jam is awful, as expected. You start wondering where is the policemen and why it's a mess on our poorly paved roads? The answer will be something like a returned question: where's the doctor and why we lose our lives only in hospitals. Why don't we change the name of hospitals to cemeteries and save the financial cost of treatment? And so on and son on, the list is too long to name. Our teachers are involved in politics and the business of "tsamsir". Our Imams perform their daily fife prayers and go to attend their overnight tribal meetings, and I let you draw your conclusions. Our ladies who hold high positions in the administration have been high on our ministers' entertainment list before they make it to the public spotlight. Example are too many to count.

No wonder then that nothing works the way it should be in this land of ours. No wonder we're a world apart. You earnestly ask yourself why the pervasive tribalism, the rampant racism and all sorts of evils that are turning the country into a real quagmire. It's indeed mind-boggling. One likely answer is that we still shake hands, we still have a long way to go before we behave in professional terms and organize in professional communities. As long as we exchange the question "Ente men ey lekhoutt" when we first meet we will not be able to perform efficiently in the workplace. Everyone of us will be the sum total of everything, which means that he is nothing. We have to change if we want to see things moving forward in the this country.

I hope the day will come when I go to "Marsatt Capital" and be able to tell the lawyer, the bank-manager, the "decent-looking" prostitute, the professor, the "teifay", the Immam, to tell these people from each other. Now, no way I can. All look same to me.

mom