Instead of focusing on the likely front-runners I chose to follow over the last week the campaign of Ould Haidala. This may sound strange at first sight and I know some of you may start booing "what the heck are you talking about"? Right, I have my reasons. First I had some curiosity that I wanted to explore and second I think I owe you to report on the purportedly "second rate" hopefuls. My curiosity rests on what would prompt someone like Haidla, who stands almost no chance of winning, to hurl his family, friends and a handful of other supporters into the uncertainties of the presidential race? To be fair, Haidala is not alone in this misadventure as the whim of snatching the top post seems to carry many others along with him. I'm reminded in this regard of the time when everyone out on the street used to hold a dream of becoming a minister in Taya's cabinet, that was because the post meant almost nothing then and Taya's constant reshuffling of his ministers only reinforced that perception. Does it mean that hopes of becoming a president now are fed by the fact that the post is now vacant and the rush to fill it has no solid political or democratic grounding? I'm inclined to believe that the post is vacant but not a "gazra" and wish to give Haidala the benefit of the doubt. Go ahead Haidala, this is your hearing, proceed with your defense:
- I ran the country for four years during which I established social harmony and cohesion between the different components of our society. National unity was my major concern and over the four years of my rule all got along well with each other. I knew how to deal with the racial antagonism which threatened our national stability during the time of Mukhtar Ould Dadah and that had rocked us very hard later in 1989 during the rule of "elli ma yusamma".
- I'm a devout religious man and will do everything to restore good governance and the rule of law. I implemented the rule of Sharia, don't you recall?
- I'll encourage voluntary work on a national scale and restore the bond between citizens and the state. I had implemented "Elhayakel", don't you recall?
- I stood up to Taya and went to prison for leading the opposition to certain victory. I'm the only living Mauritanian president who has a history in the opposition, don't you recall?
- My opponents accuse me of being unable to parent my children to maturity, I can still send them to "el badya" and have everybody shut up, don't you recall?
The judges are not persuaded of Haidal's qualifications of course, and for us we have to wait until 11 march to hear the verdict. Now we can examine this breakdown to see what Haidala is trying to sell.
First I want to make it clear that I'm not impressed by Haidala's history which is to say "no way I'm going to rally behind you" (lol). This avowal being made, I feel so much relief to set the genie of your past free again. The talk about national unity seems to be a trend among the candidates and while those who haven't been in power can't be held responsible for its lack, our former presidents are denied that luxury. Haidala speaking about reconciliation and national unity is like Taya visiting "Fasala" and asking people to take the advantage of the new technology and the internet in particular (lol). Lumrabott Ould Sidi Mahumud will soon discover Taya's lack of touch with reality and send him on another Don Quichotte-like adventure- Al Kitabb. The bottom line in these cases being mere hype. Haidla would be remembered for his tight grip on power which was marked by exclusion rather than any form of national inclusion. During those dark years, the country went through one of its worst and most divisive moments and was really set on powder keg, ready to explode at anytime. I can still remember the police state the country turned to be and the way fathers suspected their children of spying and vica versa. Protests and riots were a common sight in NKKT and prisons were filled with human right activists, politicians, students and trade- unionists. At the same time Haidala was implementing his Stalin-like system of Hayakel, which he borrowed from Libyan leader Kaddafi, he was whitewashing the crimes committed by his police and security services against innocent civilians by rebranding himself as the advocate of Sharia Law. Why Hayake and Sahria? Perhaps it never occurred to us to ask this question or make the comparison. In fact, police crimes were sending the country into chaos and mayhem, forcing common forms of political resistance in trade unions, the university and High schools to go underground. And instead of overt opposition, large sectors of the political class chose to work secretly making it more and more difficult for the regime to gather intelligence. Here come the need for Hayake, which was a kind of Big Brother Watching you system. It penetrates in the neighborhoods, schools, families and set panic everywhere as the regime went along its stubborn course to do anything to rein in its opponents.
This was about political life during those four years of absolute dictatorship, now what about Sharia and the devout Haidala, a nickname he seems to like very much? The answer to this question is not very far to seek for we're not talking about Umar Ibn Abdel Aziz, the famous Umayyad Khalifat, but about a military officer who usurped power and was toppled by another high raking military officer who in turn usurped power, evidently. Shira was just a cover up. By instituting Sharia Law, Haidala was selling himself to the general public while having a free hand to kill, torture and imprison his opponents. In fact it didn't cost a lot to cut few hands and carry out few hangings since it meant Haidala can fashion political gallows as he pleases for the secret opposition and have the net close in on it. With credible scholars, "ulammaa" and widely popular musicians "iguaoune" on his side, Haidla can boast of firesure propaganda to portray himself in these terms "Haydala kiff arrajala".
I don't assume Haidal is that naïve to expect us for a second to take him seriously about his turning the economy around and improving public services. My memories of NKTT then while still a student at "college de Garcon", were of a small village with one unique restaurant. I'm not sure you remember "Sindibad" which was next to "Marssat Capital" and adjacent to "Gralicomment", now Islamic Library. Sindibad was the only decent place to go then and we used to crowd it to be able to watch Rissala movie. That was long time ago, damn it. Well, there was also the popular donation fund which was appropriated by Haidala and Breika Ould M'barek. If this is what Haidala means by a prosperous economy and a thriving country, better not to give him a chance to try it again.
Now a look at the parties which form Haidal's camp doesn't help improve the overall picture. Ould Ebeid Rahman who's notoriously known nationwide for his "nasran Maawiya" is lunching himself as figure of reform. He failed to have any of his party's candidates in the last legislative polls win a seat in parliament. In Nouadhibou, it was the good reputation of Kassem Ould Bellal which made the difference before a scheme put Fadel in the mayor position.
The story would have been different had Nancy given her back-ing to Haidala (lol)
mom
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